People still clearly remember that on April 5, 2009 the U.S.
President Barack Obama excited an audience in Prague by declaring that
his government “will take concrete steps towards a world without nuclear
weapons.” As the only nuclear power to have ever used a nuclear weapon,
he said, the United States has a moral responsibility to act. Indeed,
the U.S. has not only moral responsibility but also legal responsibility
for the victims as the nation that committed a crime against humanity
by indiscriminately killing tens of thousands of people and causing
lifelong radiation sickness to many survivors.In his speech, Obama
also added ‘this goal will not be reached quickly –- perhaps not in my
lifetime.’ Clearly, this goal will never be reached if the U.S.
continues to spend ever larger sums on nuclear weapons, overshadowing
all other
nuclear powers, as the Obama Administration has been doing since the speech in Prague.
On April 29 this year, at the Third Meeting of the Preparatory
Committee for the 2015 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review
Conference in New York, Under Secretary Rose Gottemoeller stated in her
speech: ‘Indeed, it is the United States’ deep understanding of the
consequences of
nuclear weapons’
use – including the devastating health effects – that has guided and
motivated our efforts to reduce and ultimately eliminate these
most hazardous weapons.’
However, despite her claim of “deep understanding [of] the consequences of
nuclear weapons’ use,” in the detailed budget for fiscal 2015 released in mid March this year
Obama yet again asked for a substantial increase in funding to support nuclear weapons research
and production programs under the Department of Energy’s
semi-autonomous National Nuclear Security Administration. The proposal
includes a seven percent increase in the
nuclear warhead budget
from $7.7 billion in FY 2014 to $8.3 billion in FY 2015. This budget
request sets a new record for DOE nuclear weapons spending, exceeding
even the Cold War high point in 1985 under President Reagan’s military
buildup. The plan, moreover, is to increase the military budget to an
astounding $9.7 billion by FY 2019, 24 percent above FY 2014.
A large proportion of this budget is for
“modernizing” nuclear weapons — both warheads and delivery systems. Among the priorities is the B61
Life Extension Program,
designed to extend the life of B61 nuclear bombs by an additional 20 to
30 years. The Obama Administration is requesting $634 million, up 20
percent from FY2014, for this program, which has already catapulted from
an original estimate of $4 billion to more than $10 billion.
Currently 200 of the B61 bombs are located in Europe.
While rebuilding nuclear weapons at exorbitant expense, Obama
proposes to slash the budget for dismantling these weapons by 45
percent, from an already paltry $54.2 million to $30 million. No
additional funding has been allocated for a nuclear waste clean-up
program, and the National Nuclear Security Administration’s $790 million
in spending on nuclear nonproliferation programs is to be cut by 21
percent, or $152 million. Amongst these programs is the Global Threat
Reduction Initiative,
a
program that plays a key part in the effort of preventing terrorists
from acquiring nuclear and radiological materials that could be used as
weapons of mass destruction.
According to the study entitled
Projected Costs of Nuclear Forces 2014 -2023 issued
in December 2013 by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, it
would cost the U.S. government a total of $355 billion over the next
decade to maintain and “modernize” the nuclear weapons stockpile,
delivery systems and research and production complex. This would be
almost 70 percent more than senior officials have predicted over the
next decade. According to the report,
The Trillion Dollar Nuclear Triad: U.S. Strategic Modernization Over the Next Thirty Years, published in January 2014 by the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies,
‘Over
the next thirty years, the United States plans to spend approximately
$1 trillion maintaining the current arsenal, buying replacement systems,
and upgrading existing nuclear bombs and warheads.’
It is clear from this official data that the U.S. government has no
intention at all to “take concrete steps towards a world without nuclear
weapons” despite repeated rhetoric on the reduction of nuclear weapons
by Obama himself and his senior staff. Indeed this is the ultimate irony
that cannot be ignored: the U.S., under the president who won the Nobel
Peace Prize is holding piles of nuclear weapons, while demanding that
North Korea and Iran give up their nuclear programs, threatening them
with military might. It is not surprising, therefore, that other nuclear
power nations such as
Russia, China, England and France are also adopting similar policies to “modernize” their own nuclear weapons.
In 2012 China officially replaced its “non preemptive nuclear strike”
policy by one that permits “the use of nuclear weapons for the purpose
of defense,” clearly indicating
the possibility of conducting a preemptive nuclear strike.
The best way to confront such a perilous world situation plagued by
nuclear weapons
would be to make illegal both the use and possession of such weapons
with the aid of a new international convention as soon as possible, and
then assure implementation of phased elimination of all nuclear weapons.
For the last several years, various NGOs campaigning against
nuclear weapons
have been promoting this idea at different international conferences,
in particular at the Conference: Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons,
first held in March 2013 in Oslo, and then in February 2014 in Mexico.
(In 2010, I proposed my own idea on this issue through HANWA, a
Hiroshima-based anti-nuclear civil organization. Please see
here.)
During the Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative (NPDI)
conference held in Hiroshima in April 2014 some NGOs also organized
various events in the city and asked NPDI member nations to quickly
adopt and promote the illegalization of
nuclear weapons.
However, some NPDI member nations including Japan and Australia
continue to firmly support U.S. nuclear strategies, claiming that the
U.S. nuclear deterrent is necessary to protect nations like theirs under
the U.S. nuclear umbrella. This explains why official statements
demanding nuclear arms reduction by the Japanese and Australian
governments always end up using the same rhetoric as Obama and his
senior staff. In particular, Japanese politicians like the current prime
minister, Abe Shinzo, and the LDP Secretary General, Ishiba Shigeru,
not only support the U.S. nuclear deterrent but strongly believe that
Japan should maintain the capability to produce its own nuclear weapons
by running its own nuclear reactors as a form of indirect nuclear
deterrent.
The problem is that the idea of a nuclear deterrent is widely accepted as a
defense
policy by many people from both nuclear and non-nuclear power nations.
Unfortunately, even some people with anti-nuclear sentiments reluctantly
accept it as one of the gradual steps towards the abolition of nuclear
weapons. At the same time, it can be said that there is now nearly
global consensus that the use of
nuclear weapons
in any form is a crime against humanity. Needless to say, possession of
a nuclear deterrent equates to preparation for the use of nuclear
weapons to commit a crime against humanity. In accordance with the
Nuremberg principle, a plan or preparation to commit a crime against
humanity is a crime against peace. Therefore, the nuclear deterrent,
that is, the possession of nuclear weapons is, in itself, a crime
against peace in accordance with international law. In addition, the
purpose of a nuclear deterrent is to provide a constant threat to other
nations. Such an action is a clear violation of Article 2 of Chapter 1
of the UN Charter, which prohibits “the threat or use of force against
the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.” In
other words, it can be said that a nuclear deterrent is an act of
terrorism. Accordingly, a person or nation who maintains a nuclear
deterrent rather than participating in their phased destruction should
be regarded as a terrorist.
In order to abolish nuclear weapons from this planet, it is necessary
to introduce a new international convention prohibiting both the use
and possession of
nuclear weapons. To achieve this goal, we need global consensus on the above-mentioned idea that a nuclear deterrent is a crime against peace.
On April 24, 2014, the Republic of the Marshall Islands filed
lawsuits in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague to
hold the nine nuclear-armed states accountable for flagrant violations
of international law with respect to their nuclear disarmament
obligations under the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and
customary international law. such international legal action is an
effective way to promote and disseminate the concept of the criminality
of nuclear deterrents throughout the world.
See also the
James Corbett on GRTV on the threat of nuclear war.
Yuki Tanaka is Research Professor, Hiroshima
Peace Institute, and a coordinator of The Asia-Pacific Journal. He is
the author most recently of Yuki Tanaka and Marilyn Young, eds., Bombing Civilians: A Twentieth Century History and of Yuki Tanaka, Tim McCormack and Gerry Simpson, eds., Beyond Victor’s Justice? The Tokyo War Crimes Trial Revisited. His earlier works include Japan’s Comfort Women and Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II.