Iran accelerates arming of Hizbullah and Hamas for possible clash with Israel

By Lt. Col. (ret.) Michael Segall
web posted December 22, 2014
In recent months, parallel to the key stages of the nuclear negotiations,
Iran has completely removed the secrecy surrounding its provision of rockets and missiles to anti-Israeli terror organizations. Today, Iran frequently and publicly acknowledges this assistance, with no fear of the West’s reaction.
In Iran’s eyes, Operation Protective Edge, the latest round of
fighting between Israel and Hamas and the other Gaza-based Palestinian
organizations, provided further proof that its long-term investment in
supplying rockets and know-how for their manufacture to Hizbullah and
Palestinian organizations is bearing fruit. As the end of the time
allotted for the nuclear talks drew near (before it was decided to
extend them again to June 2015),
Supreme
Leader Ali Khamenei and other senior Iranian officials made threatening
statements about Iran’s rocket and missile capabilities and those of
the organizations it supplies – indicating that in light the possible outcomes of the nuclear talks, Iran’s fears of an Israeli attack had grown.
The Encirclement of Israel
Iran does not obscure its security concept but rather gives it public
expression. Lebanon, Gaza, and the West Bank form inseparable
components of this doctrine, which Iran updates from time to time.
In
Iran’s view, the steadily developing rocket capabilities of both
Hizbullah and the Palestinians – capabilities that Iran, with Khamenei’s
encouragement, is striving to extend to the West Bank as well –
constitute a main element of the deterrence against Israel that Iran
seeks to develop. The aim
is to deter Israel from attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities – or, if
Israel nonetheless decides to attack, to use these rocket capabilities
as a key part of its retaliatory response.
In this context, under
Khamenei’s direction, Iran views the Palestinians in Gaza and the West
Bank as a single unit under Hamas’ leadership. Consequently, Iran is
gradually improving its relations with Hamas after they hit a nadir
with the eruption of the Arab Spring in Syria and the removal of Hamas’s
headquarters from Damascus.
Iran
now hopes that Hamas will rule the West Bank as well as Gaza, and will
develop similar capabilities in the West Bank to threaten Israel.
From a broader perspective,
Iran, as statements by its senior officials suggest, is working to
encircle Israel from the north (Hizbullah), the south (Gaza), and the
east (the West Bank) and to turn the rocket threat into an unbroken ring
around Israeli territory.
This Iranian activity is incessant, and it includes persistent
smuggling of weapons into Gaza as well as shipments and convoys to
Hizbullah via Syria. According to foreign reports, sometimes Israel
thwarts these weapons shipments in Syrian territory; they are viewed as
posing a threat to the IDF’s freedom of action in Lebanon or to Israeli
naval craft and strategic sites. These reports note that some of the
weapons destroyed in an attack on December 7, 2014 included advanced
Russian-made antiaircraft systems (perhaps the S-300 SA), Fateh-110
missiles (see below), and Iranian UAVs.
Syria and Iran have long wanted to purchase the advanced S-300
antiaircraft system from Russia. In an unusual manner, Russia protested
the recent operation and demanded explanations from Israel. Syrian
Foreign Minister Walid Muallem said at the beginning of November 2014
that Russia was providing Syria with the advanced S-300PMU2 system for
defense against attacks by American planes operating against ISIS.
According to foreign reports, in January 2013 Israel also attacked a
convoy at the Al-Jamraya Research Center that was on its way to Lebanon
carrying advanced Buk-M2E (SA-17) antiaircraft missiles. In May 2013
Fateh-100 missiles were attacked at the airport in Damascus; in July
2013, at the port of Latakia, Yakhont anti-ship cruise missiles (P-800
Oniks) with upgraded radars were attacked; and in October 2013 weapons
were again attacked at Latakia that apparently were intended for
Hizbullah.
A few hours before the most recent alleged Israeli attack, Russian
President Vladimir Putin’s special envoy to the Middle East, Mikhail
Bogdanov, met with Hizbullah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah as part
of the activities marking the seventieth anniversary of Russian-Lebanese
diplomatic relations. Iran, Russia, and Hizbullah have a common
interest – the survival of Bashar Assad. To that end Hizbullah is paying
with hundreds of casualties on Syrian soil, but it is also gaining
greater access to advanced weapons from Iran and Russia, some of which
it is trying to transfer to Lebanon.
On another front cultivated by Iran – Gaza – about a week after the
attack in Lebanon that was attributed to Israel, and during a rally on
December 14, 2014 to mark the anniversary of Hamas’ founding, Hamas
spokesman Abu Obeida specially thanked those who had aided the
organization during Protective Edge and “first and foremost Iran, which
was unsparing in its financial and military and other assistance and
provided us with missiles that pulverized the defense of the Zionist
enemy and with antitank weapons that shattered the myth of the Merkava
tank.” During the rally, Hamas showcased a UAV of the Ababil model
(developed in Iran) as well as advanced sniper rifles it had received
from Iran.
Hamas media outlet Al-Risalah suggested that mending fences with Iran
will help Hamas solve some of its finnencial difficulties4. Nasser Al
Sudani, head of the Majlis’s Palestine committee, added that Khalid
Mashal, Head of Hamas political bureau, will visit Tehran soon. Al
Sudani said that Iran regards Hamas as the “first line of defense” in
confronting Israel and supporting Hamas is one of Iran’s revolution key
principals. “Destroying Israel will only be possible by arming
Palestinians, including in the occupied West Bank….The death of the
occupation is near and Tehran supports this.
Khamenei: Arm the West Bank
Iran’s Supreme Leader
Khamenei – and following his lead, the heads of the Iranian
Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the Majlis, and other senior
spokesmen – continue to express support publicly for “all who fight
against Israel” in general and for the Palestinians in particular.
As Khamenei said during the “International Congress on Extremist and
Takfiri [apostasy] Orientations from the Viewpoint of Islamic Scholars”:
…We have passed through the barrier of denominational discord. We
helped Hizbullah of Lebanon – which is a Shia group – in the same way
that we helped [Sunni groups] Hamas and Islamic Jihad [PIJ] and we will
continue to do that. We did not become a prisoner of denominational
limits. We did not differentiate between Shia, Sunni, Hanafi, Hanbali,
Shafi’i and Zaidi denominations. All Palestinian areas have to become
armed…. We looked at our main goal and we offered help. We managed to
strengthen the fists of our Palestinian brothers in Gaza and by Allah’s
favor we will continue to do that. I announced – and this will
definitely happen – that the West Bank should be armed like Gaza and be
prepared for defense…. (emphasis added)
“We Love Fighting Israel”
At the same platform,
Khamenei marketed his “We Love Fighting Israel” campaign, saying, “Our
people love fighting against the Zionists and the Islamic Republic has
proved this as well.” Social networks both within and outside of
Iran occasionally post caricatures and pictures in the “spirit of the
Leader.” On Twitter and on Instagram, for example, the hashtag
#fightingthezionists was launched; it features pictures vilifying Israel
and Zionism and calls of “death to Israel.”
Khamenei’s Military Solution
Khamenei’s combative spirit has also permeated Iran’s political and
military echelons, and appears to provide a basis for an overall Iranian
plan of action that is part of its national security strategy. Majlis
Chairman Ali Larijani, at a meeting in Tehran with Mohammad Nasr, a
member of Hamas’ Political Bureau, again promised that Iran would keep
supporting the Palestinian people and the resistance movements until the
final victory over “Israeli forces.”
Ahmad Bakhshayesh, a member of the Majlis National Security and
Foreign Policy Committee, emphasized the fact that Iran is arming the
West Bank as a lever for exerting pressure on Israel. He explained that
Khamenei,
by calling for the arming of the West Bank, is signaling to Israel that
it cannot attack Iran, and that Iran, by means of weapons transfers to
the West Bank, “can easily strike an effective blow against Israel’s
security.”
Iranian Defense Minister Brigadier General Hussein Dehqan declared in
an interview published on December 20, 2014, “The resistance movement
in occupied Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria have remarkable military [and]
industrial infrastructure, and they are capable of designing and
producing missiles.” In his interview to the Iranian Arabic-language
Al-Alam TV, Dehqan continued, “At some point, following Khamenei’s
orders we cooperated with the resistance movement in the fields of
industry and technologies. We have officially announced that we will
cooperate with the resistance in these fields. The Supreme Leader has
also said that the western bank of Jordan River must be armed just like
Gaza Strip. Supporting resistance is within the general strategy of the
Islamic Republic of Iran and we will follow this.”
Hussein Sheikholeslam, secretary-general of the Tehran-based
Committee for Support for the Palestinian Intifada, an adviser to
Larijani, and a former ambassador to Damascus, was more clear-cut about
the purpose of the aid Iran is providing to Hizbullah and the
Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank:
Our main enemy [Israel] possesses nuclear weapons and missiles, and
therefore the main strategy we have adopted to counter these threats is a
missile and rocket capability….
By
transferring technology for missile manufacture and by providing
training [in the launching of missiles], Iran is building up the
capabilities of its friends in the region who are fighting its enemies. The
use of missiles and rockets enables Iran to create a balance of terror
and a defensive shield against a possible attack by Israel. We hope the
missile strategy that Iran is inculcating in Hizbullah in Lebanon and in
Gaza, will also spread in the direction of the West Bank in the near
future…. The latest campaigns in Gaza and in Lebanon proved that this
strategy is very well suited to dealing with the Zionist enemy.
“There Is Not a Single Secure Place in Palestine from the North to the South”
The top leadership of the IRGC has also extensively addressed the
issue of the arming of West Bank Palestinians. IRGC Commander Mohammad
Ali Jafari said
there is not a
single place in Palestine, from the north to the south, that is safe
from the missiles of the Palestinian resistance movements and that this
heralds “the coming collapse of this filthy, wicked, and illegal
regime.” Jafari added that the liberation of Jerusalem is high on
the Islamic Revolution’s order of priorities and that the final victory
is assured. He further stated, “Iran also detects the signs of American
surrender both from a political and a military standpoint, as in the
[nuclear] negotiations…. America’s capitulation to Iran is clear in
every step it takes toward Iran.” On the ideological plane, Jafari said
on a different occasion that “the exporting of the Islamic Revolution to
the world, the security and the stability that Iran enjoys and its
pride and dignity were obtained thanks to its sacrifices in battle” and
now it is at the forefront of the struggle against Israel.”
IRGC Deputy Commander Hussein Salami added in a similar vein that
“the Palestinians on the West Bank will continue to uphold their
principles and it is not long before the day when the Palestinians in
Gaza and on the West Bank will join hands and the West Bank will become a
hell for Israeli security.” He added that Israel can no longer achieve
security because “the entire territory of occupied Palestine is within
range of Hizbullah’s missiles (from Lebanon) and those of Hamas and
Islamic Jihad.” The IRGC’s aerospace commander, Amir Ali Hajizadeh,
noted in this regard that with Iran’s help, Tel Aviv had become
susceptible to crossfire between Hizbullah’s missiles from Lebanon and
the Palestinian organizations’ missiles from Gaza.
Hajizadeh also asserted that Iran’s missile capabilities, which it
makes available to Hizbullah and that also include surface-to-sea
Khalij-e Fars, Hormuz 1, and Hormuz 2 missiles, pose a threat to
Israel’s advanced naval craft and to its natural gas facilities and
reserves in the Mediterranean, and could cause great destruction to
Israel’s navy and its gas fields.
Likewise the IRGC’s public relations director, Ramazan Sharif,
declared, “The main duty and mission of the Quds Force under the
leadership of its commander,
Qasem Soleimani, is to make Islamic society powerful so that it can pave
the way to the liberation of Jerusalem – which is the duty of every
Muslim…. That is the goal for which Soleimani and the Quds Force that he leads strive ceaselessly.”
Iran Is Playing a Leading Role in Expanding Hizbullah’s Missile Arsenal and Capability
In November 2014 the Tasnim News Agency, identified with the IRGC,
interviewed Nasrallah’s deputy Sheikh Naim Qassem, who acknowledged that
Iran is playing a leading
role in expanding Hizbullah’s missile arsenal and capability in Lebanon
both in terms of quality and quantity, and that this involves training,
maneuvers, and the creation of various missile units. Qassem
remarked, “Israel is well aware that Hizbullah has missiles of pinpoint
accuracy [a broad hint at the Fateh-110 missiles] and thanks to the
Iranian materiel and aid, the next round of warfare will be very
difficult for Israel.” He emphasized that: “When we are talking about
the missile capability, it does not mean that only a number of Iranian
missiles are delivered to the resistance [movement], but such capability
includes the entire necessary items for missiles.” Qassem also referred
to the missiles that Hizbullah fired during the Second Lebanon War
(Fajr, Raad), which helped move the fighting into Israeli territory. He
added that rockets had also played a central role in the Palestinians’
rounds of warfare with Israel in 2008 and in 2014, when rockets struck
the heart of Tel Aviv and other sensitive locations in Israel.
“Fateh-110 for All”
IRGC’s aerospace commander Hajizadeh’s deputy, Seyyed Majid Mousavi, said that
Palestinian and Lebanese (Hizbullah) resistance organizations possess Fateh-110 missiles developed in Iran,
and that Hassan Tehrani Moqaddam, the head of the IRGC Missile Research
Center who was killed in an explosion in 2011, had helped these
organizations develop their capabilities in the missile and rocket
field. Mousavi claimed that given the range of these missiles, the
organizations can now hit targets in all parts of Israel from north to
south. He further remarked that some of the capabilities (involving the
use of the Fateh-110) are under wraps and they will be put in action
when the time comes. Musavi added that the Fateh-100 is manufactured in
plants in Syria that were built by Iran, which also trained Hizbullah
and the Palestinian organizations in its use and manufacture. These
organizations, according to Mousavi, have become very skilled in this
area. Iran periodically upgrades the Fateh-110 mainly for accuracy.
As part of Iran’s effort to demonstrate its missile capabilities at
various ranges, Iranian media have published diagrams of the ranges of
rockets that are in the hands of the Palestinians in Gaza and of
Hizbullah in Lebanon, including solid-fuel, surface-to-surface, 300-km
Fateh-110 missiles with a 500-kg warhead, and Khalij-e Fars solid-fuel,
surface-to-sea, 300-km missiles with a 450-kg warhead. It has been noted
in publications that the
nuclear reactor in Dimona is within range (from Gaza) of the Fateh-110,
and a number of large towns (Haifa, Netanya, Herzliya, Tel Aviv,
Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Beersheba) have also been mentioned as being
within range.
In sum, at the same time that it engages in the nuclear talks, Iran
continues to arm and train Hizbullah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic
Jihad. Central to the Iranian effort are rockets and missiles
(surface-to-surface), as well as UAVs and advanced antiaircraft weapons,
mainly for Hizbullah, intended to constrict the Israeli air force’s
room for maneuver in Lebanon. Other weapons Iran provides include
antitank weapons, sniper rifles, mortars, and more. This issue, along
with the issue of human rights in Iran, is not part of the nuclear talks
and Iran maintains a resolute refusal to discuss these subjects. The
West, for its part, does not want to “pressure” Iran and seeks to avoid
“complicating” the already complicated negotiations.
Decision-makers in Tehran are creating a direct link between progress
in the nuclear negotiations and the effort they are investing in
supplying advanced offensive rocket capabilities to Hizbullah and the
Palestinian organizations that operate in Israel’s vicinity. The various
spokesmen now highlight what they preferred to keep secret in the past:
that they view Gaza and Lebanon, and ultimately the West Bank as well,
as part of Iran’s envelope of defense, deterrence, and response with
regard to its nuclear program. Thus, Iran promotes the goals of a Hamas
takeover of the West Bank and the strengthening of the anti-Israeli
rocket capability, via assistance to Hizbullah and to the Hamas Quds
Force.
Over the next half-year of the extended nuclear negotiations with the
West, Iran will intensify its efforts to equip Hizbullah and the
Palestinian organizations with advanced rockets and missiles. In
parallel, the political and military leadership will continue to shore
up Iran’s deterrence by threatening “a painful response” and “the
destruction of Israel.”
The tense relationship between President Hassan Rouhani and the IRGC
plays an important part in the externalization of the threats to foreign
actors, as the
IRGC tries to
signal that it is not Rouhani who sets Iran’s policy in the domain of
foreign relations and exporting the revolution. Recently it was also
reported that the IRGC is maintaining a kind of shadow cabinet to
counteract the Rouhani government, with former ministers of
Ahmadinejad’s government as members. The matter was brought to Khamenei’s attention, and he chose to ignore it.
The IRGC and Khamenei also support the “militant economy.” The
dramatic decline in oil prices to less than $60 a barrel has further
intensified the internal struggle and has worsened the difficult
budgetary straits (the Iranian budget is planned according to revenues
of $130 a barrel) that hamper Rouhani’s ability to advance the welfare
policy he promised Iranian voters.
It should be emphasized that, along with its threats against Israel,
from time to time Iran also boasts of its capacities to strike – using
long-range (2000-km) missiles and asymmetrical swarm attacks by
speedboats – U.S. bases and ships in the Persian Gulf area and beyond.
The weakening of the American presence in the Gulf and the
strengthening of Iran’s influence in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, along
with the Palestinian organizations’ successes, from Iran’s perspective,
in the recent rounds of conflict with Israel, inspire great confidence
in Iran. In the window of time left until the nuclear talks expire, Iran
is likely to escalate its declarations while on the ground boosting its
assistance to the “resistance front.” Iran views itself as setting the
stage – on the propaganda, ideological, and military levels – for an
inevitable confrontation with Israel and the West. ESR
IDF Lt.-Col. (ret.) Michael (Mickey) Segall, an expert on strategic
issues with a focus on Iran, terrorism, and the Middle East, is a senior
analyst at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs and at Foresight
Prudence.