Antichrist Breaks From The Large Horn (Daniel 8)

Sadr urges Iran to end negative regional policies as Rouhani re-elected

by Mohamed Mostafa
May 21, 2017, 3:35 pm
Baghdad (IraqiNews.com) Iraqi Shia cleric and firebrand political Muqtada al-Sadr has congratulated Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani for re-election, but urged the Islamic republic to end regional policies of “negative” impacts.
“We congratulate the Iranian people for the victory of their reformist, moderate candidate despite the fervent political rivalry,” Sadr said in a statement.
He, however, urged the Iranian government to “steer away from all kinds of policy that negatively affect the region,” adding that “the situation can bear no more,’ as he put it.
He also urged Tehran to adopt openness to regional countries which he did not identify, and to “give up political and sectarian wrangles”.
Sadr’s statement came hours after Rouhani, in office since August 2013, was declared winner in the presidential elections, beating conservative opponent Ibrahim Raisi by more than 57 percent of votes.
Sadr has made an earlier call for Iran last week to seek better relations with its arch regional rival, Saudi Arabia, calling on both to engage in a “serious dialogue” to avert what he labelled a “sectarian war”.
“We hope this is the beginning of a de-escalation of sectarian tensions in the Arab and Muslim region,” he said of the recommended rapprochement between Tehran and Riyadh.
Sadr, though leading a wide base of Shia supporters, has been a vocal critic of the Iran-backed government of Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and his predecessor, Nuri al-Maliki, a close ally with Tehran. He has championed pro-reform and anti-corruption protests in Baghdad over the past few months.
Iran’s critics say it practices influence on Iraqi politics through the Shia-led government, and accuse it of meddling into regional conflicts in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and some Gulf countries for the favor of Shia minorities and majorities in those countries.

The Antichrist Condemns Al-Maliki

Sadr Proscribes Alliance with Maliki
by Nehal Mostafa
May 20, 2017, 5:00 pm
The Iraqi Cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. File photo.
Erbil (BasNews) The clerical leader of the Shi’ite Sadr Movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, on Saturday warned senior Iraqi politicians and statesmen against forming coalition with the former prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki.
During a televised interview, along others Sadr asked Iraqi PM Haidar al-Abadi, Iraqi Vice President Ayad al-Allawi and Parliament Speaker Salim al-Jobouri not to form alliance with Iraqi VP Maliki.
“The Shi’ite authorities who ran Iraq in the past, were defeated and … if Iraqi Shi’ites regain power, they will be defeated,” Sadr said in reference to attempts by some Shi’ite parties to form a majority block.
Sadr indicated he does not mean that he supports Sunnis to rule Iraq, but it’s just that “it’s very difficult to find a Shi’ite figure to govern Iraq successfully.”
He accused Maliki of selling one third of Iraq’s soil to the Islamic State (IS) and advised Iraqi politicians “Let’s at least keep the remaining two parts.”
The leader reiterated his opposition against Maliki to take over PM position for the third run and refused to make any compromise over his stance.
“I will not agree to that at all and we will not examine someone who has been examined before…. Maliki is the foremost responsible person for wasting the huge budget [of the country] and the occupation of Nineveh, Anabr and the rest of the area by IS.”
However, he thought Abadi can continue into the second term “if he continues with his reforms.”
Regarding his plans, Sadr said currently he has dedicated himself to settling the issues of Iraq but plans to become Iraq’s senior Shi’ite clergy after stability prevails in the country.

The Antichrist Makes Political Allies (Rev 13:18)

Abadi, Sadr near alliance as Maliki renounces majority governance
PM Haider al-Abadi meets with Shia political and religious leader Muqtada al-Sadr.
Baghdad (IraqiNews.com) Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is nearing an “electoral alliance” with influential Shia religious and political leader Muqtada al-Sadr in a bid to isolate former PM and premiership hopeful Nouri al-Maliki, according to a newspaper.
London-based Al Hayat said the anticipated alliance could also draw Iraq’s Vice President Osama al-Nujaifi’s Muttahidon (United) bloc in addition to Kurdish political forces, most notably the Kurdistan Democratic Party, led by Kurdish President Masud Barzani.
The purpose of all those parties is to “keep Maliki away”, according to Al Hayat.
It added that Sadr’s and Maliki’s movements had been caught up in an intense rivalry, which became most remarkable in Maliki’s push for a draft law restricting the right to stage protests in a bid to curb weekly pro-reform demonstrations Sadr’s fans had staged upon a call from their leader. It noted that the draft was slated for discussion in parliament on Sunday but was adjourned due to pressures from civil society groups.
The newspaper’s speculations regarding a possible alliance came hours after Maliki said in a statement by his office that he was renouncing his call for a Shia majority rule in Iraq. He accused parties, which he did not name, of plotting against the political process by seeking to put off elections.
Iraqi parliament elections are slated for early 2018, and there is a tendency to run municipal elections simultaneously. Shia groups occupy more than a half of the parliament’s 328 seats.
According to the statement, Maliki’s announcement came during a conference on “societal reconciliation” in the southern Iraqi province of Najaf. Explaining his concession, Maliki said “the country rejects sectarianism and racism”.
Maliki’s opponents accuse him of stoking sectarian divisions and failure to curb corruption throughout his two-term, eight-year premiership, besides blaming him for losing Iraqi territories to the Islamic State militants.
Maliki is the leader of Daawa Party, of which PM Abadi is a senior member.

The Antichrist Competes for Power in Iraq

Shiite trio competes for power in Iraq

BAGHDAD — On Feb. 28, hundreds of pro-Sadrist university students in Kut attacked Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi's procession with stones and water bottles. Abadi's security forces fired tear gas and live bullets at the protesters, injuring three. Subsequently, Sadrist leader Muqtada al-Sadr apologized to Abadi for the breaches. Though he called on his followers to stop the protests in Kut until further notice, he accused former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki of being behind the breaches to try to distort the Sadrist movement's image.

The incident reflects the intense competition among Iraq's Shiite leaders. There are currently three main Shiite figures competing for power: head of the Islamic Supreme Council Ammar al-Hakim, head of the State of Law Coalition Maliki, and Sadr himself. Each has his own plan to remain in power and remove the others or limit their influence.

On Feb. 20, Sadr announced a 29-point initiative: Initial Solutions — his vision for the future of Iraq once the Islamic State (IS) is forced out. Holding local primary elections was among the points. Sadr’s keenness on holding elections is likely to further deepen the Shiite split as the leaders fight for a majority position.

About a month ago, the Sadrist movement started calling for electoral reforms, seeking to reduce Maliki’s strong chances of winning the election as long as no radical changes are made to the electoral law and commission.

Sadr has often called for massive demonstrations, which have resulted in many deaths and injuries. Jasem al-Halafi, a leader in the civil movement allied with Sadrists who participated in the demonstrations, said the movement is calling upon the UN to supervise formation of a new electoral commission and a new electoral law with the cooperation of Iraqi experts. However, UN Envoy to Iraq Jan Kubis, who is in favor of the current electoral commission, responded negatively Feb. 13 to such demands.

Maliki is banking on his alliance with main groups within the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) in the framework of the Shiite leadership competition.

The State of Law Coalition includes the Badr Organization, which is seen as the PMU’s main political and combat force. Hadi al-Amiri, the head of the organization, previously stated that Maliki founded the PMU, further cementing relations between the two parties.

It's also been reported that Maliki is close to some other main PMU components, namely the ones that are close to Iran.

However, there was no rapprochement between Maliki and the volunteer fighters affiliated with Ayatollah Ali Sistani, who answered the call of the fatwa for jihad after IS took control of Mosul in June 2014.

Perhaps the most critical point for the PMU now is to preserve the momentum of the popularity it gained after defeating IS, which would guarantee Maliki a wide electoral base, secure him a majority and block his opponents' calls for him to be held accountable for accusations of corruption and negligence in Mosul in 2014.

In light of this tense situation, Hakim drew up his own initiative, which he named the “Historical Settlement,” away from the other two Shiite leaderships.

The initiative is inspired by the classic discourse of the Islamic Supreme Council, led by Hakim himself, based on flexible political solutions that he believes could align some camps and secure him a place at the forefront of events. Some see Hakim’s initiative as merely an attempt not to lose his spot in a muscle-flexing parade.

Although his initiative is ambiguous at many levels, his strategy is based on lenient rhetoric and good relations abroad. Hakim's positive relations with neighboring countries are an extension of his predecessors' relations in the Islamic Council, since the days of the opposition to the former Iraqi regime. However, Hakim's traditional alliance with Iran did not prevent him from visiting Gulf countries whose policies are hostile toward Iran.

Hakim and Maliki are unable to rally the Iraqi public's support in political battles. Sadr is keen on stripping his two opponents of their strategic tools and adopting them. For example, it is true that Hakim’s initiative is aimed at reconciliation, but Sadr's is more comprehensive and has been welcomed by some Sunni leaders, such as Osama al-Nujaifi and Khamis al-Khanjar.

The reconciliation between Sadr and the predominately Shiite PMU leaders, when they appeared in a joint press conference in October 2016, helped bring Sadr closer to Maliki. The rapprochement with the PMU also helped Sadr build bridges, albeit in a limited way, with the pro-Iranian side, which has expressed reservations about Sadr’s latest moves.

However, Sadrists still lack the trust of other political components, which is needed to forge future alliances, especially in light of the escalatory positions of all parties since the storming of parliament incident. Therefore, the Sadrist movement has been making overtures to the Islamic Dawa Party and the Supreme Islamic Council, more than ever before.

There are no signs of rapprochement between the Sadrists and the Kurds, whether at the level of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, which is close to Maliki and a friend to the Iranians, or the Kurdistan Democratic Party, which is close to Turkey and has escalated its rhetoric against both Maliki and Sadr.

The Sadrist movement still has a chance to make overtures to Ayad Allawi, a former Iraqi vice president and an interim prime minister, and some Sunni leaders. There could be other opportunities as well that haven't revealed themselves yet.

However, Maliki’s major influence in parliament and his success in sacking several ministers and the Sadrist-affiliated governor of Baghdad make it difficult for the Sadrist movement to advance its proposed legal changes.

In sum, there's no end in sight for the Shiite rivalry to determine the strongest leader in the Iraqi arena.

The Antichrist Tries to Unify Iraq

Why Iraq's Shiites are wary of Sadr's 'Initial Solutions'

BAGHDAD, Iraq — With the fight progressing to retake Mosul from the Islamic State (IS), the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr presented Initial Solutions, a national reconciliation proposal for shaping post-IS Iraq. The initiative, announced Feb. 20, consists of 29 points. Sadr's various proposals are seemingly incompatible with the orientation of the Shiite parties of the National Alliance, and in direct conflict with the vision of Ammar al-Hakim, head of the alliance, but Sunni blocs, to which the proposal extends bridges of trust, have voiced support.

Among the initiative's proposals are establishing a UN-sponsored fund to support reconstruction and forming a UN-supported entity focusing on human rights and minorities to deal with and prevent sectarian and ethnic conflicts and violations. It also calls for dialogues among politicians, tribal leaders and social elites to ease factional and sectarian tensions.

Sadr, spiritual leader of the al-Ahrar bloc and the Sadrist Movement, proposes that the predominantly Shiite Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), although made an official fighting force in November, be dissolved. He contends that the Iraqi army and security forces alone should be responsible for protection in areas liberated from IS and any disputed territories.

Instead of the PMU standing separately, Sadr called for “striving to integrate disciplined PMU [fighters] into the security forces, in such a way to preserve the independence and sovereignty of the national security forces.” He suggests that the PMU militias, including his Saraya al-Salam (Peace Brigades), turn their headquarters into cultural, civil, social or humanitarian institutions and centers.

Commenting on why Sadr wants to shut down the armed factions' offices, Ibrahim al-Jabiri, director of Sadr’s office in Baghdad, told Al-Monitor, “The initiative aims to strengthen the official security forces … through their integration into the military and security establishment.”

The most significant item of the initiative is its call for the Iraqi government to expel all “occupying and even friendly forces from Iraqi territory,” to preserve the stature of the state. This means the expulsion of US and Iranian troops and advisers. The Iraqi government, however, has a security agreement with the United States, and US forces will be needed in the long-term to train and assist Iraqi troops. Baghdad is also not ready to shed its Iranian ally, these days represented in Iraq by Qasem Soleimani, the Quds Force commander, who also oversees PMU operations.

Jabiri said, “After the country’s liberation from IS control, the Iraqi government will no longer need any outside help. Therefore, the presence of any foreign forces after the liberation of Mosul will no longer be justified.”

Jabari added, “When he said the 'occupying' forces, Sadr meant the American troops and those who cooperated with them in occupying Iraq in 2003. As for the 'friendly' forces, he meant all the forces that came to Iraq to provide assistance after IS took over the country’s northern and western areas in 2014.” Concerning so-called friendly forces, Jabiri said, Sadr’s proposal includes the expulsion of Turkish troops deployed to Bashiqa, near Mosul, ostensibly as trainers, as well as non-Iraqi Kurdish peshmerga who entered the country for the battle against IS.

Jabiri said Sadr wants to form a committee to represent him and pursue implementation of his initiative with the government and political parties in the hope of persuading committee members to introduce and approve his proposals. He said that some parties will, of course, oppose the initiative, noting, “It is in direct conflict with their interests and their keenness for preserving the status quo.”

The State of Law Coalition, led by Vice President Nouri al-Maliki, was the first to criticize the initiative. Coalition representative Alia Nassif said in a Feb. 21 statement that internationalizing the initiative, for example, by engaging the United Nations and contracting with foreign companies in reconstruction efforts, would “mean advancing the interests of other countries.” Nassif said, “It is wrong to commit to all its terms.”

Al-Mowaten, the bloc headed by Hakim, said, “All Shiite alliances signed the national reconciliation project [proposed by Hakim and the National Alliance], which represents a road map for post-IS Iraq. Sadr’s initiative falls within this framework.” In short, the bloc's position is that there is no need for Sadr's initiative given the National Alliance's Historical Settlement, the proposal announced Oct. 31. Sadr's plan, however, addresses more long-standing Sunni demands than the alliance's.

Meanwhile, Sunni parties have welcomed Sadr’s initiative, namely, the Mutahidoun Bloc, headed by Vice President Osama al-Nujaifi, and the Pan Arab Project, led by Khamis Khanjar, which did not support the Historical Settlement. In a statement Feb. 20, Khanjar said his party supports most of Sadr’s initiative, noting that Iraq has a historic opportunity to carry out comprehensive reforms. The Sunnis also like that its call for dialogue among sect and tribal leaders, including that Shiite leaders visit Sunni leaders in their communities. It also appears that Sadr is considering approaching Sunnis as potential allies in future elections.

Although some of Sadr's proposals seem practical and attractive, such as dialogues toward reconciliation, ending sectarian tensions and international funding and support, the initiative is unlikely to go anywhere. Other items, such as the expulsion of foreign forces and the abolition of the PMU, are far-fetched. Given the competing forces, the initiative is likely to remain shackled by political conflict.

Antichrist's Followers Pelt Abadi

Iraqi university students pelt PM Abadi with stones

The New Arab

Iraqi university students pelt PM Abadi with stones
Date of publication: 1 March, 2017
Three people were wounded after security forces attempted to disperse students who pelted Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi with stones during his visit to the southern city of Kut Tuesday.

Iraqi students on Tuesday pelted Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi with stones during his visit to the southern city of Kut, with three people being wounded by gunfire as security forces attempted to disperse demonstrators.

Tens of University of Wasit students protested the premier’s visit with anti-corruption slogans that accused government officials of being thieves, a police source told The New Arab.

Some protesters pelted Abadi’s convoy with stones causing damage to a number of vehicles.

The premier’s security detail responded by firing warning shots into the air, causing a number of injuries.

A police officer and a doctor confirmed that people were hit by gunfire but did not say who was responsible.

"We received around 70 (injured). Most of them left and three wounded by gunfire and 19 suffering from poisoning as a result of tear gas remain," said Ahmed al-Quraishi, a doctor at a local hospital.

Mohammed Anayid, a student, said "security forces fired to disperse the protesters, which resulted in the wounding of a number of demonstrators".

Second Lieutenant Ali al-Sarrai, a member of the security forces tasked with protecting the university, said protesters threw "stones and water bottles and shoes" at Abadi.

His guards then fired in the air and targeted demonstrators with tear gas, said Sarrai who also confirmed that three people were shot.

The students were protesting against "the lack of services and the spread of corruption in the government", said Ali al-Aboudi, who took part in the demonstration.

Video posted on social media showed demonstrators chanting a slogan often used by supporters of Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, who has repeatedly called for protests against corruption in the Iraqi government.

Sadr issued a statement apologising to Abadi and stating that the premier was not personally involved in corruption.

The injuries at the protest in Kut came after seven people - five demonstrators and two security personnel - were killed in clashes between Iraqi forces and protesters in central Baghdad on February 11.

Iraqi PM Clashes With Antichrist's Followers

PM Abadi leaves university in Wasit after clashes with protestors
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region — Prime Minister of Iraq Haider al-Abadi was forced to leave Al-Qadisiya University in the southeastern Iraqi province of Wasit on Tuesday after students waged demonstrations against him at the campus, on the heels of multiple protests against current Iraqi election law.

Later, protesting students and Abadi’s guards clashed, according to a Rudaw source from inside the campus, adding that the students were chanting against Abadi and throwing bricks at him, forcing the prime minister to leave the campus immediately.

The force defending Abadi used bullets and tear gas to disperse the protesters, causing 50 people to suffer breathing difficulties, according to the source. After the incident, ambulances arrived on the scene and rushed the affected students to the hospital.

The source, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said security forces later took measures to avoid media agencies broadcasting the incident.

Abadi’s trip to the Wasit province was to visit the university, meet with families who had lost relatives in the fight against ISIS, and to attend a Wasit Council of Ministers meeting.

According to a statement from the PM after the visit, he was calling on universities remain separate from political conflicts. The release stated Abadi said the educational aspect is essential in defeating ISIS.

He added that those who have a problem with the prime minister should direct complaints at him without affecting the security of the country and thus distracting from the battle [against ISIS].

Abadi also visited the families of Iraqi forces who were killed against ISIS, expressing that their sacrifices were able to “liberate the occupied.”

Iraqi Shiite cleric Muqtada Al-Sadr released a statement, calling the assault on Abadi’s convoy a breach against the prestige of the state and also that people in Wasit province should from refrain all peaceful protests until further notice. The release stated the protests do not represent [Sadrists] and may even be hostile to it.

Protestors, many of them loyal to Sadr, have called in recent months on the parliament to dissolve the Iraqi High Electoral Commission (IHEC) while the country prepares for April’s crucial parliamentary and provincial elections.

The IHEC, which is seen as an independent polling body, has members that are affiliated with nearly all political parties across the Iraqi spectrum, including several Kurdish members. Sadr has in the past cast doubt on the independence of the commission and stated that “no election are free and fair under the current IHEC.”

Iraq's PM Appeases The Antichrist

In a sign of reconciliation Shiite cleric Sadr meets with Iraq’s PM Abadi

Rudaw
Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr [L] met with Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi [R] following tensions between both sides that lasted for at least nine months. Photo: Iraqi PM office.

BAGHDAD, Iraq—Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi met with prominent Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr in Baghdad on Monday to discuss the war against ISIS, the country’s security and political situation and most importantly, to mend ties after almost a year of tensions between Sadrists and the government and public protests.

At a joint press conference Aabdi said that he hoped for “political understanding between the [Iraqi] parties.” Abadi’s Dawa Party and his government came under attack from Sadr who sent angry protestors into parliament and Green Zone in April.

Sadr for his part, told reporters that he had a “fruitful” meeting with the prime minister where he had pledged his support for the army, completion of the government’s reform plans and promotion of moderate voices in the country.

At the press conference Sadr criticized former PM Nouri al-Maliki’s heavy-handed military response against his group across the country and told Abadi that his government should be different and avoid such actions, referring to his recent anti-government demonstrations.

Abadi and Maliki’s Dawa party offices have come under attack by Sadr supporters in different cities in the south of Iraq, including in the city of Najaf.

Monday’s meeting between Sadr and Abadi is seen by observers as against a possible Maliki comeback, who said in a Wall Street Journal interview recently that he didn’t seek office again, but that Iraqis needed change, a hint at removing Abadi after the ISIS operation.

The two leaders met in the heavily fortified Green Zone which was stormed by thousands of demonstrators in late April following a speech by Sadr who called for an end of government corruption and waste of public funds.

Other Iraqi leaders, such as Ammar al-Hakim, head of the Supreme Islamic Council of Iraq have urged national unity among Shiites, Kurds and Sunnis and preparation for the post-ISIS era.

Al-Hakim has since met with the Iraqi political parties, including Sunni politicians, and has been to Iran and Jordan, two influential regional countries to lend their support to his reconciliation process.

Sadr said he would support al-Hakim’s initiative, but warned that he will not settle with “those” who have Iraqi blood on their hands.

Abadi Tries To Appease The Antichrist

Iraqi premier meets firebrand Shia cleric after dispute

PM Haidar al-Abadi meets Muqtada al-Sadr, who in recent months led series of anti-government protests

By Arif Yusuf and Ali Jawad

BAGHDAD

Iraqi Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi on Monday met with firebrand Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, who in recent months has led a series of anti-government demonstrations.

The meeting tackled a host of political and security issues, particularly the war against Daesh and ongoing operations to retake the city of Mosul from the notorious terrorist group, according to a statement issued by al-Abadi’s office.

Monday’s meeting was the first between the two men since February, when al-Sadr called for the dismissal of al-Abadi’s cabinet.

In March, al-Sadr supporters staged a series of protests in Baghdad to demand that al-Abadi replace members of his cabinet with a government of "technocrats" untainted by corruption or sectarian affiliations.

Al-Sadr’s Ahrar Bloc holds 34 out of 328 seats in Iraq’s parliament.

The Ahrar Bloc, however, is not represented in Iraq’s current government after Ahrar-affiliated ministers collectively resigned in April.

"The meeting [between al-Sadr and al-Abadi] was intended to coordinate positions between members of the National Alliance," alliance member Habib al-Turifi said.

The Shia-oriented National Alliance, which includes both al-Sadr’s Ahrar Bloc and al-Abadi’s Islamic Dawa Party, is the largest bloc in Iraq’s parliament.

According to al-Turifi, al-Abadi intends to propose a list of new ministers to parliament following the end of the current parliamentary recess.

For the last ten weeks, the Iraqi army has led a wide-ranging offensive to retake Mosul, which was captured by Daesh in mid-2014.

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Antichrist And Abadi Battle For Control

 
Iraqi prime minister faces power struggle with Muqtada al-Sadr in fight for Mosul


BAGHDAD — As Iraq’s prime minister struggles to meet his goal of retaking Mosul from the Islamic State group by the end of this year, he also is racing to prevent a power struggle with radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr.

A victorious war leader, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is striving to unite the country’s quarreling factions and take the wind out of Sheikh al-Sadr’s protest movement that has brought tens of thousands onto the streets in defiance of government calls for a halt on demonstrations that distract from the fight against the Islamic State.

But some doubt he will achieve it, saying Mr. al-Abadi will preside over an ever-weakening government.

“I expect Abadi to serve out this term as there is no way the other factions will reach an agreement on any alternative individual,” said Kirk Sowell, an Amman-based analyst at Utica Risk Services, an open-source strategic intelligence firm. “I do not assume the government will return to genuine functionality, either before or after the next election.”

For now, most of the focus of the Iraqi government is on defeating the Islamic State. In the past year, Iraqi forces have retaken Fallujah and other cities conquered by the terrorist group two years ago, kicking the Islamic State jihadis out of almost half the territory they once held in Iraq. But the organization retains the capacity to cause violence.

Islamic State bombers repeatedly have struck Baghdad over the past few months.

On July 3, 300 people were killed in one of the deadliest attacks in the capital since the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. The attacks on the capital have fueled discontent with Mr. al-Abadi’s government over the disintegrating security situation.

At the same time, there are also deep concerns over corruption and cronyism, combined with mounting economic hardship.

Millions of public-sector workers face unemployment as the collapse of oil prices almost two years ago has left monthly oil income $1.3 billion short of the $5 billion the government needs to meet budget needs.

“Services and living conditions have not improved, and I do not think it will get better soon,” said Riyadh Mohammed, a former Justice Ministry spokesman. “Iraq is facing a stifling financial crisis, and corruption is eating up Iraq’s already little resources due to the collapse in oil prices.”

That has left an opening for Sheikh al-Sadr, observers say. The cleric formerly backed Mr. al-Abadi — a Shiite Muslim appointed in September 2014 promising to fight corruption and reform government.

But recently, the 42-year-old Sheikh. al-Sadr has demanded that Mr. al-Abadi resign, a stance increasingly supported by more Iraqis.

“Al-Sadr want to make change,” said Sajjad Al Mosawi, a loyalist to the cleric in Baghdad. “Corrupt politicians are fighting back. But we’ll keep up the pressure until change comes. We will follow al-Sadr to the end.”

Although the mass demonstrations over the past six months have been largely peaceful, more recently Sheikh al-Sadr’s followers have twice stormed the Iraqi parliament deep in the heavily protected Green Zone. They also have attacked offices of rival political parties.

The intensified protests have raised fears that Sheikh al-Sadr could trigger an uprising against the government, as he did after 2003 when his forces fought U.S. troops and made much of southern Iraq ungovernable.

In a show of strength apparently designed to deter any al-Sadr adventurism, the government organized a military parade on the eve one of the cleric’s demonstrations that included 15,000 troops marching though Baghdad’s Tahrir Square.

That didn’t dampen Sheikh al-Sadr’s fiery rhetoric. He has warned that the nearly 500 extra U.S. troops deploying to help the push on Mosul “are a target for us,” meaning his forces.
Despite the bluster, many believe Sheikh al-Sadr will back away from provoking an all-out confrontation with the government or risk triggering civil strife that could allow the Islamic State to regroup.

“If Muqtada tries an ill-advised repeat of the chaos that he caused earlier this summer, I think he’ll find a very strong reaction from the Shia religious and political establishment,” said Michael Knights, an analyst on Iraqi security at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Sheikh al-Sadr faces pressure from other Shiite groups and, crucially, Iran to avoid moves that could further destabilize Iraq, analysts say.

He also risks losing backing from moderate Iraqis who joined his demonstrations to demand reform and cleaner government.

Bringing Sheikh al-Sadr back into the fold of mainstream politics could be the ultimate test for Mr. al-Abadi’s reputation as a canny builder of political compromise. However, even if the cleric backs off and the military continues its successes against the Islamic State, few see any immediate end to Iraq’s political disarray.

At the same time, some are worried that divisions within the coalition against the Islamic State could deepen once the group is driven out of Mosul — expected before the end of the year — giving the militants a chance to coalesce.

Regardless, many Iraqis believe their leader has missed his chance.

“Al-Abadi is a very weak prime minister,” said Ali al Samarie, 42-year-old soldier who believes the rise of the Islamic State was a perfect opportunity for Mr. al-Abadi to consolidate power in Bagdad, reinvigorate the military and push through economic reforms.

“He hasn’t fixed any problems,” Mr. al Samarie said. “He had the best opportunity of any leader in the history of Iraq, but he didn’t exploit it. He wasted it.”

• Robert Tollast reported from London. Gilgamesh Nabeel contributed to this report from Istanbul.

Antichrist seeks Al-Abadi ‘s impeachment (Revelation 13)

 
Sadr warns Iraqi PM he will seek his impeachment unless reforms begin now

By Rudaw

Followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr hold a sit-in outside the heavily guarded Green Zone in Baghdad. Photo: AP

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Muqtada al-Sadr, Iraq’s firebrand Shiite cleric, warned Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi to “stop giving futile promises” and start with grassroots government reforms if he wants to avoid impeachment.

“We advise the prime minister to stop giving futile promises,” Sadr said in a message, convoyed by an official from his Sadrist Movement before supporters in Baghdad’s fortified Green Zone, where Sadr is staging a sit-in.

Sadr and hundreds of his supporters entered Baghdad’s Green Zone on Sunday to stage a sit-in to pressure the government on reforms.

Sadr warned in his message that if the embattled prime minister fails to move on reforms, he would go to parliament to seek his impeachment.

He has also warned Abadi not to “blow your anger on peaceful demonstrators, since they have been legally waging their opposition. Rather, he better blow his anger at the corrupt” officials.
Abadi pledged on Tuesday that he would announce a cabinet reshuffle shortly.

“We promise all parties that the reshuffling of the government cabinet will begin soon,” he said, explaining that “calls for reform should not worsen the security and stability of the government.”
But Sadr has been pressuring Abadi to implement a wider reform package that would include replacing several ministers with apolitical technocrats, in a bid to eliminate patronage and corruption.
In one instance of the wide corruption that critics say is eating up Iraq, early this month auditors in the Iraqi parliament revealed that the defense ministry had spent $150 billion on weapons in the last decade but only a fraction of that had gone to buying weapons, with the rest gong missing.

Iraq’s defense ministry “is one of the most corrupt ministries,” the spokesperson for the parliamentary auditing committee, Adil Nuri, told Rudaw.

The auditing committee conducted an inquiry into three new arms deals of the defense ministry last month, according to Nuri. He said he found “that the ministry had signed $350 million worth of contracts with Eastern European countries but the inquiries showed that there has been a lot of corruption in the price and types of weapons.”

Sadr warns he will seek Iraqi PM’s impeachment unless reforms begin now

– See more at: http://rudaw.net/mobile/english/middleeast/iraq/30032016#sthash.KZ0q8F46.dpuf

Antichrist Discusses Iraqi Reform (Revelation 13)

Iraqi PM ‘Abadi’ meets Al Sadr in Kadhimiya
February 24, 2016 – 1:41 PM

News Code : 736814Source : Websites


On Tuesday, Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi met the Cleric Moqtada al-Sadr in Attaba Kadhimiya north of the capital Baghdad.

A source said “This afternoon the Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi met the leader of the Sadrist Movement Moqtada al-Sadr in Attaba Kadhimiya in Kadhimiya north of Baghdad.”

The source, who asked anonymity, added, “Abadi and al-Sadr discussed many issues, especially the cabinet reshuffle and the call for government reform.”

Antichrist Threatens Abadi’s Cabinet (Revelation 13)

Kurds demand fair share in next cabinet to support Abadi

By HEVIDAR AHMED 3 hours ago

Iraqi government cabinet. Photo: AP

 

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Kurdish lawmakers in the Iraqi parliament said Monday they are ready to back the next government in Baghdad, but only if Kurds receive their “fair share of seats” in Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi’s next cabinet.

Kurdish lawmaker Hoshiar Abdulla told Rudaw the bloc is eyeing one fourth of the total posts in the next cabinet, which Abadi has promised will be a “technocratic government.”

“We have agreed that the Kurdish share should not be less than 20 percent of the cabinet seats and we will endorse the government only if it is not at the expense of our legitimate share in governance,” Abdulla said, after he and his fellow lawmakers from the Kurdistan Alliance met with Iraqi President Fuad Masoum – who is a Kurd — in Baghdad for consultative talks last week.

Abadi announced earlier this month his plans to form a new government, which he said will be broad based and inclusive, but would rely on technocratic ministers rather than politicians from Iraq’s fragmented political spectrum.

The announcement, which has evoked different reactions, came amid a deterioration of the financial crisis as the country has increasingly used its reserve cash to cope with the turmoil.

Iraq’s budget in 2015 shrank to $105 billion from $118 billion in 2013 as global prices of crude oil dropped to a record law.

The 2015 budget was based on $56 a barrel of crude, but since the price has been hovering far below, Baghdad has used its international reserve cash to offset the widening deficit.

Iraq’s influential Shiite cleric, Muqtada al-Sadr, who is seen as one the main supporters of Abadi’s reform plans, has said he will withdraw his support if reforms do not produce results.

“There should be a technocratic government far away from partisanship that serves all the components of the Iraqi people,” Sadr said in a televised address on February 13.

His Ahrar block holds 34 of the 328 seats in the Iraqi parliament, while the Kurdish block has 63.
Critics say Abadi has no detailed plan on how to form the new cabinet without the support of the political parties.

“How can you ask political parties to endorse your government when you choose your cabinet members outside their list,” the Minister of Migration, Darbaz Muhammad, told Rudaw.

“And if that really takes place, I think ministers will spend half of their time in parliament trying to defend their actions before an assembly that would try its best to oust the ministers and create political vacuum,” Muhammad said.

Following ISIS’ rapid advance in mid 2014, a fragile deal was brokered in Baghdad, which led to the formation of a new cabinet by Abadi, who vowed to run an inclusive government.

As the ISIS war raged and oil prices plummeted, the new prime minister announced a series of reforms to offset the growing budget deficit, including removal of a number of government positions.

The Kurdish bloc had five ministerial posts in the new cabinet but lost two of them as Abadi removed the positions, along with many other posts which were occupied by Iraq’s other political parties.

The government consists of 22 ministerial positions with three of them held by Kurds.

“We have no knowledge now how the coming cabinet will look, but as it seems we will be assigned with four ministries,” Kurdish lawmaker Abdulla said.

Antichrist Makes Arrangements With Abadi (Revelation 13)

Iraq’s cleric Sadr says talks with Prime Minister Abadi ‘constructive’

Sat Nov 7, 2015 5:30PM

Senior Iraqi Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, left, shakes hands with Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi during a visit in the holy city of Najaf, Iraq, November 7, 2015. (Reuters photo)

Iraq’s senior cleric Muqtada al-Sadr says he had a “constructive and successful” meeting with Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.

The Iraqi cleric made the remarks after talks in the holy city of Najaf on Saturday.

Sadr also praised the Iraqi premier’s deep understanding of all issues in the Arab country ranging from politics to security and economy.

Abadi, for his part, said during a joint press conference that he is certain all political parties in Iraq will join forces in the fight against the Daesh Takfiri terrorists.

The Iraqi prime minister highlighted that his meeting with Sadr was aimed at deepening cooperation and constructing Iraq’s future as the country is in the grip of a deadly militancy launched by Daesh.

Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, right, and senior Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr attend a joint news conference in the holy city of Najaf, Iraq, November 7, 2015. (Reuters photo)

Abadi also called on all Iraqi politicians and members of parliament to cooperate with security forces and the Popular Mobilization Units in the battle against Daesh.

The meeting came a day after Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq’s top Shia cleric, called for the unimpeded implementation of Abadi’s reforms that seek to combat corruption and cut government cuts in the country.

“The need to protect the constitution and the law must not be used by the legislative or any other authority to circumvent or delay the reform steps,” Ayatollah Sistani was quoted by his representative Abdul Mahdi al-Karbalai as saying on Friday.

Earlier this month, the Iraqi parliament voted unanimously to bar the Abadi administration from implementing, without its approval, key reforms envisioned in a comprehensive plan aimed at fighting corruption and reducing government costs in the country.

As part of the reform initiative, which had been overwhelmingly approved by the Iraqi legislature back in August, Abadi eliminated three vice president posts and three deputy prime minister positions. He also reduced the size of officials’ security details and dismissed 123 deputy ministers and general managers.

Some of Abadi’s proposed changes to the country’s political system have been implemented but others appear to have stalled.

Apart from public anger over corruption in Iraq, the country also faces a tough security situation. Gruesome violence has plagued the northern and western parts of Iraq ever since Daesh launched its activities and took control of portions of the country in June 2014.

The Iraqi army and the Popular Mobilization Units have been engaged in joint operations to liberate militant-held regions.

The Two Shia Horns of Prophecy (Daniel 8:3)

 

Iran Deal Is Shaping the Iraq War
 
12 AUG 19, 2015 11:54 AM EDT
By Noah Feldman

Iraq’s prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, is taking severe steps to rid himself of his troublesome predecessor, Nuri al-Maliki. On the heels of a government shakeup, the latest move is a parliamentary report blaming Maliki and many of his political and military leaders for the fall of Mosul to Islamic State last summer. The report is going to be referred to a public prosecutor — which means Abadi may be plotting a criminal prosecution. Maliki is fighting back, issuing a public statement repudiating the report.

Given that Maliki had more domestic support than Abadi when the U.S., with grudging Iranian acquiescence, forced Maliki out of office, it’s no surprise that Abadi would like to consolidate his authority by purging Maliki completely.

But beyond an interest in the Byzantine manipulations of Iraqi politics, why should the rest of the world care about Abadi’s move or Maliki’s displacement?

The answer lies in the effects of the U.S.-Iran deal, which is now before Congress but is being treated by regional actors as a fait accompli. Abadi’s move on Maliki reflects, through a glass darkly, the realignment of regional politics in light of the Iran deal. Where once Maliki was perceived as pro-Iran by Iraqi Sunnis and the U.S., today Abadi is pursuing a new approach in which, he is betting, U.S. and Iranian interests will be closely aligned, and maintaining a multi-sectarian, unified Iraq is no longer an inviolable goal. And the Iranians, having abandoned Maliki to his fate, seem to be on board.

To see what’s going on, consider the challenge that Maliki faced, and failed at, in dealing with Islamic State. The fall of Mosul is emblematic. The Iraqi army, a mixed Shiite-Sunni force, collapsed disastrously, as the parliamentary report emphasizes.

The reason for that failure was more than technical. Shiites in the army might have been loyal to Maliki, but they didn’t relish the idea of dying in defense of the mostly Sunni city. As for Sunnis in the army, they’d become so disillusioned by the impression that Maliki was running Iraq on Iran’s behalf that they were unwilling to stand and fight against Sunni attackers from Islamic State. In the end, the failure to defend Mosul was a failure of Maliki’s leadership, and of his plan to keep Iraq unified under Shiite control.
 
To be sure, Abadi hasn’t yet done any better than Maliki in resisting the jihadists. In May, under Abadi’s prime ministership, Ramadi fell, just as ignominiously and easily as Mosul the previous year. But Abadi seems to be contemplating a different way of addressing the problem than that adopted by Maliki. His strategy appears to have two prongs, both of them premised on growing U.S.-Iran cooperation.

First, Abadi embraces the deployment of Iranian-trained and -led Shiite militias supported by U.S. air strikes against Islamic State. It’s been a slow process getting the Americans and the Iranians on the same page, given the mutual distrust. But Abadi seems to think, with some reason, that the U.S.-Iran nuclear deal makes cooperation more likely. In June, Abadi went to Iran to urge Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei to continue supporting the fight against Islamic State — and he also went to the G-7 meetings in Austria to lobby Barack Obama for more support. He’s urged the U.S. to do more to train Iraqi army units, and welcomed the deployment of U.S. advisers, who might even coordinate with Iranian-led forces.

It’s optimistic to think that combined U.S. and Iranian efforts would actually defeat Islamic State in Iraq. That can’t be done without Sunni Arab ground troops, and Abadi has no clear way to create such a force.

But Abadi, unlike Maliki, plans to avoid taking the blame if the fight against the jihadists falters — because he is striving to show both sides, the U.S. and Iran, that he’s trying to get them all to help him in the war. In other words, Abadi, hedging against continuing failure to beat Islamic State, is relying on a deepening alignment of U.S.-Iranian interests.

Abadi has another thing Maliki lacked: a fallback strategy for what to do if Islamic State is here to stay in the medium-term in Iraq. Abadi is signaling to Iraqi Shiites, as well as to Iran and the U.S., that he can govern a rump state of Iraq, one that effectively excludes the jihadist-controlled Sunni areas and recognizes the de facto autonomy of Iraqi Kurdistan.

Abadi’s reform efforts of the last few weeks, in which senior Sunni politicians lost their positions, signaled as much. The position of vice-president of which there were three — including Maliki himself — was eliminated. The parliamentary report assigning blame for the fall of Mosul named two more prominent Sunni politicians, Saadoun al-Dulaimi, the acting defense minister under Maliki, and Atheel al-Nujaifi, the former governor of the Nineveh province and brother of Osama al-Nujaifi, one of the fired vice-presidents.

The message is that Abadi is done with Maliki’s strategy, adopted under intense U.S. pressure, of incorporating Sunni leaders into the central Iraqi government. This change may anger the U.S., since it’s hard to see how else to placate Sunnis and keep them committed to holding the country together. But it makes sense if Iraq is acknowledged as divided already by the presence of Islamic State in the Sunni-majority areas of the country.

In the past, an Iraqi prime minister might have worried about how the U.S. would feel about a Shiite-dominated rump Iraq, which would be something close to an adjunct of Iran. Abadi must be calculating that, having made its own deal with Iran, the U.S. can live with this result as the least-bad outcome — because it’s less threatened by Iran after the nuclear deal.

The U.S. would like to defeat Islamic State, and we assume Iran would, too. The big change, however, is that the U.S. may no longer be as committed to a multi-denominational, unified Iraq as a buffer against Iran. That’s the result of a regional change – brought about by the nuclear deal between the U.S. and Iran.

Iraq’s New PM Will Need To Appease The Antichrist

Iraq’s new PM’s work won’t be easy

MOHAMAD BAZZI

The newly installed Iraqi prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, has inherited a country wracked by a complex civil war. Al-Abadi, a Shiite Islamist, must convince Sunnis to abandon their revolt while simultaneously responding to the threat posed by extremists of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). To keep his government in power, al-Abadi needs to assure Iraq’s Sunnis that he will be able to reverse the legacy of his divisive and sectarian predecessor, Nouri al-Maliki.

Sunni political factions have several interconnected demands: amnesty for tens of thousands of
Sunnis imprisoned— in many cases without judicial review — by al-Maliki’s regime in the name of fighting terrorism; greater power in the new government, especially by securing one of the “sovereign ministries” (defense, interior, foreign affairs, oil, and finance); and a more significant role in the Iraqi security forces, which Maliki cleansed of many senior Sunni officers. While some Shiite factions are willing to give Sunnis these demands, others are adamantly opposed.

Even if al-Abadi is eventually able to meet all Sunni demands, he will consistently face sectarian violence and rifts beyond his control. Iraq is at the center of several regional proxy battles: Iran is heavily involved in shaping Iraqi policy, while ISIL represents spillover from the Syrian civil war next door. The militant group is also a byproduct of the Gulf Arab states that support Sunni jihadists in both Syria and Iraq.

In 2010, al-Maliki ultimately secured a second term after Iran strong-armed two fellow Shiite leaders, the clerics Ammar al-Hakim and Muqtada al-Sadr, into supporting him. The two clerics control about 63 seats in the new Parliament. To remain in power, al-Abadi will also need to appease these two clerics and several other Shiite parties largely beholden to Iran, including the League of the Righteous, a militia led by Qais al-Khazali.

Meanwhile, Iraq’s top Shiite cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, has emerged as a kingmaker in the political process. Al-Sistani represents the dominant theological school in the Iraqi holy city of Najaf, which rejects the Iranian model of rule by clergy. The Najafi clerics believe their role is to be spiritual leaders and not to participate directly in politics. Since the U.S. invasion of Iraq, al-Sistani seized a more direct political role on several occasions, especially in 2004 when he insisted on early elections and a constitutional referendum.

But al-Sistani had never stepped into the political process as forcefully as he has since the fall of Mosul to ISIL militants in early June. Al-Sistani issued a call to arms urging all able-bodied Iraqi men to join the security forces against ISIL, and he also played a leading role in persuading Iraq’s political elite to replace al-Maliki as prime minister. Al-Sistani’s actions could shift the historic debate regarding the role of Shiite clerics. Ironically, in order to preserve the “quietist” position of the Najafi clerics, al-Sistani has become more deeply involved in politics.

Since 2003, al-Sistani has competed with more radical clerics, especially al-Sadr, for leadership over the Shiite community in Iraq. This struggle reflects a parallel battle between Iranian and Iraqi clerics for dominance over the larger Shiite realm. The rise of ISIL, which views Shiites as apostates, threatens the interests of all Iraqi Shiite factions and of the Iranian regime.

Iran is the regional player that has benefited the most from America’s gamble in Iraq. The United States ousted Tehran’s sworn enemy, Saddam Hussein, from power. Then Washington helped install a Shiite government for the first time in Iraq’s modern history. As U.S. troops became mired in fighting an insurgency and containing a civil war, Iran extended its influence over all of Iraq’s major Shiite factions.

Tehran wants to ensure that Iraq never again poses an existential threat to Iranian interests, as Saddam did when he invaded Iran in 1980, instigating the eight-year Iran-Iraq war that devastated both countries. Saddam was supported by most Arab states and Western powers. Iran will do whatever is necessary to keep a friendly, Shiite-led government in power in Baghdad.

Through a combination of funding, training for militias and political support, Iran will continue to back all the major Shiite groups in Iraq. Al-Maliki did not start out as beholden to Iran, but as he struggled to remain in power, he became more dependent on Tehran.

Even if al-Abadi personally feels closer to the West, he needs Iranian support to keep his new government in power. Iran has many levers to maintain its influence over the political process in Iraq — and it will not hesitate to use them.

Mohamad Bazzi is a journalism professor at New York University and a former Middle East bureau chief at Newsday

October/13/2014