The China-Pakistan axis gains momentum and could pull India into a war on two fronts
The recently expanded Gwadar deep water
port in Pakistan, which is part of the socalled China Pakistan Economic
Corridor (CPEC), is nearing completion.
According to Zhang Baozhong, chairman and
CEO of China Overseas Ports Holding Company Ltd, ‘The port cranes are
almost ready, and we are thinking that the port will be at full
operation by the end of this year.’
The port will process about one million
tonne of cargo next year, most of which will be incoming construction
materials to be used in projects related to CPEC.
The port city Gwadar, in southwestern
Balochistan province, is central to the CPEC. Pakistan’s army chief has
accused India of attempting to undermine the $46 billion project with
China.
‘I would like to make a special reference
to Indian intelligence agency RAW that is blatantly involved in
destabilising Pakistan. Let me make it clear that we will not allow
anyone to create impediments and turbulence in any part of Pakistan.’
China-Pakistan collusion against India has
taken new turns recently. Despite the Modi government’s attempts to
improve ties with Pakistan and China, both have responded negatively so
far.
The writing is clear on the wall and has been for quite some time. The
Pakistani military-intelligence complex has no interest in a
rapprochement with India; it made it a point to scuttle the growing
Sharif-Modi bonhomie.
Last month, Pakistani authorities
announced they captured a suspected Indian spy in Balochistan,
identified as Kulbhushan Jadhav. The military also aired video footage
of Jadhav, saying he was working out of his base in Chabahar in
neighbouring Iran.
The Pakistani investigation team, which
had visited Pathankot, ended up suggesting that the Pathankot attack in
January was in fact staged by Indian agencies.
By insisting that designation of any
individual as terrorist by UN is a ‘serious issue’, China last week
blocked the UN from banning Jaish-e-Mohammad chief and Pathankot strike
mastermind Masood Azhar by the global body.
The January 2 attack at Pathankot was
followed by a raid on an Indian consulate in Afghanistan that has also
been linked to Jaish-e-Mohammad, whose militants were also behind the
2001 attack on Indian Parliament.
The Sino-Pakistan relationship has now moved beyond the ‘higher than Himalayas and sweeter than honey’ phase. Chinese strategists are openly taking of Pakistan as their nation’s only real ally.
China’s submarine operations in the Indian
Ocean and the Sino-Pak naval cooperation are challenging naval
supremacy and have the potential to change the regional naval power
balance.
China is also busy re-defining territorial
status quo in the region. By deciding to construct major civil, energy
and military infrastructure projects in the CPEC, which runs through
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and the areas of Gilgit and Baltistan,
China has accorded de facto ‘legitimacy’ to Pakistan’s illegal
occupation of these areas.
China — the world’s third largest weapons exporter — has Pakistan as the top recipient of its arms. By
aiding Pakistan to set up its nuclear and ballistic missiles
programmes, besides supplying conventional arms, Beijing had made sure
that the India-Pakistan military balance is maintained.
With India ascending in the global
hierarchy and strengthening its ties with the US, China’s need for
Pakistan is likely to grow. This has been evident in China’s polices
toward Pakistan on critical issues in South Asia.
A rising India makes Pakistan all the more
important in China’s strategy for the subcontinent. It is highly
unlikely that China will give up playing the Pakistan card vis-à-vis
India anytime soon.
The China-Pakistan partnership serves the
interests of both partners by presenting India with a potential
two-front theatre in the event of war with either country. And for China, Pakistan is increasingly important to fend off a joint India-US challenge.
The Modi government needs to recognise
that the challenges of a two-front adversarial strategic environment are
only likely to intensify in the coming years. New Delhi needs to be
prepared to take on this challenge head-on.
Even as India reaches out to China in the
next few weeks with the visits of the National Security Advisor and the
Defence Minister, it should be clear that Chinese behaviour is unlikely
to change in the near future.
The writer is Professor of International Relations, King’s College London