The Caliphate Under the Antichrist (Revelation 13)

From the Mahdi state to the Caliphate state!
Al Arabiya
The peoples of the East generally believe in inherited legends which, over time, turn into an unreliable part of faith. The idea of the Caliphate state which was promoted by the Muslim Brotherhood is a set of inherited mythical fantasies that claim that the Prophet (PBUH) promised the Muslims a Caliphate state which will unite the Muslim world under the same flag.
Naturally, this Hadith is challenged by many and is not proven by the authorities and scholars. In fact, the caliphate state is an idea which emerged after the death of the Prophet, and it is improbable that he had recommended it. However, the mixing of some of the Hadiths with fixed historical facts has created a kind of sanctity in the contemporary Islamic mindset.
The caliphate state, which they say will materialize at the end of time, is the basis of most of the Muslim political movements. At the forefront of these movements is the Muslim Brotherhood.
Sowing destruction
Among those who adopted this mythical idea is also ISIS, which shed the blood of many people, sowed destruction in countries and displaced people for the sake of the Caliphate state. In the end, all its efforts failed. They based their entire war and propaganda on a Hadith attributed to the Prophet which promised the emergence of this state at the end of time. In fact, it is believed that this state will conquer (Rome) in Europe, as is repeatedly vowed by its advocates.
By the way, when Juhayman occupied the Grand Mosque, and pledged allegiance to the person who claimed to be the Mahdi under the Kaaba, he also believed in the heritage of another newly inherited prophesy that predicts that when the Mahdi emerges at the end of time, all the Muslims in the Haram will pledge allegiance to him. Consequently, an army will come from the north to fight his supporters.
The defeat of ISIS and the idea of the state of the Caliphate, which some claim will emerge as strong as the Caliphate state in the beginning of Islamic history, requires us to purify our heritage from these myths that are not based on logical context as much as on the logic of miracles.
The story describes how the soil would crack and swallow the army and that the Mahdi and his supporters would conquer all. Yet, the truth was something else, something that is far away from myths and legends.
The question that we should urgently ask within this context is whether the fall of the so-called Caliphate State, along with the horrendous fall of ISIS, would fortify the Islamic mind and keep it from accepting these inherited heritage legends, which invade the law of logical causality under the pretext of the sanctity of the Prophet and make the miraculous supernatural somehow believable.
The defeat of ISIS and the idea of the state of the Caliphate, which some claim will emerge as strong as the Caliphate state in the beginning of Islamic history, requires us to purify our heritage from these myths that are not based on logical context as much as on the logic of miracles.
Just like the Juhayman incident and the myth of the Mahdi cost us human and psychological losses at the beginning of the current Hajri century, history is repeating itself. The same idea of the mythical state of the Caliphate cost the whole world human and material losses, which can be seen on the ground. In the end, it turns out that states are not based on desires or metaphysical reasons, but on rational reasons justified by reality, not by the cosmic law and miracles.
Hence, young people must realize that they were taken for fools. Indeed, some of the inherited heritage texts are only a form of rational abuse and myths.
This article is also available in Arabic.
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Mohammed Al Shaikh is a Saudi writer with al-Jazirah newspaper. He tweets @alshaikhmhmd
Last Update: Sunday, 6 August 2017 KSA 16:06 – GMT 13:06
Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Al Arabiya English’s point-of-view.

The Antichrist and Shiism (Revelation 13:18)

Iraq and the dead-end road to political resolution

Over the past two years the core foundation of the Iraqi Shiite camp was shaken more than once following the impact of events and alterations occurring in the political scene and balance of power among political players, diminishing the role of some and opening the door to newcomers to the scene. At the time, the results that granted the former Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki the parliamentary majority and the constitutional right to form the government were considered a victory for the new Shiite political forces in face of the traditional religious authorities.

However, the anti-coalition formed by the remaining political and religious parties and who pushed toward depriving al-Maliki from a third term, partly succeeded in its goals by excluding al-Maliki from the prime minister position, and thus re-shuffled the cards inside the Shiite camp, and sparked a crisis whose chapters continued to follow. Also, the representation of Shiite political forces inside the Iraqi parliament following that election established a situation of malfunction and imbalance in the political system, at least inside the Shiite camp, caused by the difference between the real weights of the political forces in the street and their representative quotas in the parliament. And perhaps, this introduction can play the role of a starting point to keep track of the political movement that stands behind the recent protests, in particular Moqtada al-Sadr and his followers.

The Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr declared himself after the election results the spearhead of the attack on al-Maliki, in a turn against the ambiguous alliance between them, whose signs started to show before the election. al-Sadr entering the line and fiercely taking the lead of the battle to exclude al-Maliki necessitated a quick Iranian intervention to contain the repercussions of the crisis and to prevent any further rifts inside the Shiite campaign, thus sacrificing the constitutional right that grants its first Iraqi ally Nouri al-Maliki the right to form a government, and declaring its support for the fragile coalition leading to the nomination of Haider al-Abadi, the nominee of the Islamic Da’wa party for the prime minister position. However the anti-Maliki Shiite coalition led by al-Sadr, considered that the priority was to dismantle the Pro-Maliki system from the Iraqi official bodies since it embodies the corruption and mismanagement in the state, a system which al-Maliki set and developed since he first became the Iraqi prime minister in 2006, by allocating position of power and privileges in different sections of the state apparatus for his allies and those close to him. Moreover, the significant decline in oil prices, that represents almost the only source of income in the country, the resulting aggravation of the economic problems, a budget deficit reaching 25%, and the fall of Mosul in the hand of the Islamic state in a shocking scene fanned the flame of the official and popular anger toward all what was happening, increased the tension among the different parties, and contributed to the charged atmosphere which led to the recent protests earlier this year. Before the February 2016 protests, the Prime-Minister-designate Haider al-Abadi adopted a neutral stance toward the polarized state between al-Maliki and his allies on one hand, and the opponents camp led by al-Sadr on the other. However, under the pretext of responding to the protests in the streets, his position became closer to that of al-Sadr camp, the thing that helped reaching consensus over the formation of a government of technocrats from the competent elite in charge of pulling the country out of the crisis.

Although this government received the support and the endorsement of several religious and political parties, most notably the Shiite Islamic Marja’ Ali al-Sistani, al-Maliki, and Moqtada al-Sadr, the Sadrist movement leader, who ended the two-weeks-strike carried by his supporters front of the gates of the Green Zone, however it has angered other parties of the front that backed al-Abadi for the Prime Minister position, especially the Islamic Supreme Council headed by Ammar al-Hakim, who own a large parliamentary bloc in the current Iraqi parliament.

The rift within the Shiite camp deepened after al-Abadi failed to pass the technocrat government, both in its first form or after the subsequent modifications which made it a multiparty technocrat government as an answer to al-Hakim demands. The religious authority in Najaf, in what many observers interpreted as a reflection of its frustration and a retreat from endorsing al-Abadi, announced that it will no longer give its weekly political statement regarding current affairs. Also, al-Abadi’s hesitation and his failed attempt to satisfy all parties has backfired.

As for al-Sadr, and in attempt to dominate the Shiite popular street and proclaiming himself its ultimate leader, he appeased the demands of the recent protest movement to the point of hyperbole populism and extremism which does not leave any space for political action, and it is impossible for al-Abadi to adopt or keep up with.

Moreover al-Sadr was able to attract a good portion of secular and nationalist Iraqis, now that his differences with Iran has surfaced, coupled with his history in resisting the American occupation, especially since he worked hard in the last two years on presenting himself as an Iraqi nationalist leader who went past the sectarian limits, In spite of all the show-off enormity in his quest to lead the protest movement. Besides, the course of events shows a possible imminent convergence between al-Maliki and al-Hakim, which could lead to an agreement pushing toward removing al-Abadi and replacing him with another candidates whose political problem is limited to the preparation for the 2018 elections, and so al-Abadi and his Allies’ struggling attempt, which many parties felt threaten by in the past two years, will be buried once and for all.

In addition to all this, the preparations for the liberation of Fallujah, which aimed to dismantle the most important stronghold of Sunni Jihadist in Iraq, has turned into a symbol for Shiite and national alignment, giving the new Shiite militias entering the Iraqi scene to reap more popularity and legitimacy for its political and military role, which means new Iranian power in the Iraqi scene due to this groups direct subordination to Iran, whether by strengthening the presence of these militias in the scene, or by Iranian pro-forces taking over various states agencies, especially since the Popular Mobilization Forces, which was formed from Shiite militant factions has been adopted as a reserve Military force under the government’s command.

The political Shiite class, in the first years that followed the US invasion of Iraq, took advantage of the international support it has gained, in addition to the financial receipts that flowed from Oil sales, and was able to provide through the new political system, mechanisms to contain and absorb wide Shiite social sectors, however, under the weight of international changes, new players storming the Iraqi scene, the escalating financial crisis, and the popular fidgetiness caused by the performance of this class. These mechanisms became weakened and unable to perform its previous role. Now, the new Iraqi generations which were not around in the years when the profits were distributed have stormed the squares, the streets and even the “Green Zone” in an effort to secure their own destinies in a country is begging for its own fate to be secured.

The Antichrist Appeals to the Iraqi Masses

Iraq rejects proposal to register Shia militia as party

Country’s official electoral commission rejects calls to allow Hashd al-Shaabi to register as party in advance of polls

By Ali Jawad
BAGHDAD

Iraq’s official electoral commission on Sunday rejected proposals to allow the Hashd al-Shaabi, an umbrella group of pro-government Shia militias, to register itself as a political party in advance of elections slated for next year.

The decision came one day after prominent Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr declared that the country’s next government would be a “government of militias” if the Hashd al-Shaabi were allowed to field candidates in provincial council and parliamentary polls slated for 2017 and 2018 respectively.
In a Sunday statement, the commission said it had based its decision on the fact that the Hashd al-Shaabi constituted a “military organization with links to the [Iraqi] security agencies”.

Iraq’s Political Parties Law, it went on to explain, which was ratified by parliament last year, prohibited the registration of “military or paramilitary organizations” as political parties.

On July 20, the electoral commission began the registration process for political parties that planned to participate in the upcoming elections.

According to Hashd al-Shaabi spokesman Karim al-Nouri, the militia group’s primary responsibility at present was to pursue the fight against the Daesh terrorist organization, which continues to hold large swathes of territory in war-torn Iraq.

“Our presence in the battlefield today is to confront Daesh,” al-Nouri told Anadolu Agency on Sunday.

“We didn’t want to arm ourselves, but the country’s dire security situation forced us to go from a civilian organization to a military one,” he said.

He added: “Several Hashd al-Shaabi leaders, including Hadi al-Amiri [a former Iraqi transport minister and current commander of the Hashd-affiliated Al-Badr Organization] is basically a politician, not a military figure.”

“Our main concern now is pursuing the fight against Daesh,” al-Nouri asserted.

Iraq has suffered a devastating security vacuum since mid-2014, when Daesh captured the northern city of Mosul along with vast swathes of territory in the country’s northern and western regions.
In recent months, the Iraqi army — backed by U.S.-led airstrikes and its allies on the ground, including the Hashd al-Shaabi — has since managed to retake much of the territory lost earlier to Daesh.

Nevertheless, the terrorist group remains in firm control of several parts of the country, including Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city.

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Antichrist Ousts Defense Minister

Iraqi parliament dismisses defense minister

PressTV

The Iraqi parliament has dismissed Defense Minister Khalid al-Obeidi, who was recently embroiled in a corruption case.

Two unnamed lawmakers told AFP that the Iraqi parliamentarians voted on Thursday to withdraw their confidence from Obeidi by 142 votes to 102 in a secret ballot, while 18 abstained in the 328-seat legislature.

The no-confidence vote came weeks after a bitter feud that erupted between Obeidi and parliament speaker Salim al-Juburi over graft allegations.

On August 1, Obeidi went to the legislature to answer allegations of wasting billions of dollars in public funds and weakening the country’s armed forces in their fight against the Daesh Takfiri terrorist group.

During the questioning, however, he accused Juburi and several lawmakers of corruption.

Obeidi insisted that he was being challenged in retribution for his rejection of corruption, accusing the parliamentarians of seeking to blackmail him in order to pass corrupt deals, including a $1-billion catering contract, a $2.8-billion accord for armored vehicles, and a $421-million pact for US military Humvee vehicles.

On August 9, the Iraqi judiciary closed a corruption case against Juburi, citing a lack of evidence to proceed further.

The developments come as Iraqi Prime Minster Haider al-Abadi has faced calls to reform the country’s political structure in a bid to tackle corruption.

Earlier this year, the parliament was deadlocked for weeks over the premier’s efforts to reshuffle the cabinet.

Iraqi citizens also held sit-ins, called by firebrand cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, inside Baghdad’s highly fortified Green Zone aimed at keeping up pressure on the government to change ministers.

This is while the Iraqi army troops and allied volunteer forces are conducting large-scale military operations against the Daesh militants, who have been controlling swathes of land in the northern and western parts of the country since 2014.

The Iraqi army is gearing up for a major offensive in late September to purge Daesh from Mosul, the country’s second city. Iraqi forces have managed to wrest control of several areas in the southern parts of the city, among them the town of Qayyarah.

The Antichrist and His Sectarian Army (Rev 13:18)

Sunni fear grows as PMU participation in Mosul battle confirmed

Al Monitor 

BAGHDAD — The crisis over the participation of the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) in the battle for the liberation of Mosul, which will begin soon, has resurfaced. But this time the National Security Council officially agreed July 31 on the PMU participation in this battle. Iran and the United States also support the Iraqi government’s decision to include the PMU in the Mosul battle. US Ambassador to Iraq Stuart E. Jones said Aug. 22 that the participation of the PMU in the Mosul battle is solely an Iraqi decision. Iran’s secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, Ali Shamkhani, also supported the participation of the PMU in his meeting with the Iraqi parliament speaker, Salim al-Jabouri, on Aug. 21.

Sunni politicians objected to this approval because they do not want the units to take part. On Aug. 8, the press office of the head of the Mutahidoun bloc, Osama al-Nujaifi, issued a press statement talking about a meeting in Nujaifi’s office between the Sunni coalition and Jones on the same day and discussing several issues, mainly the Sunni stance regarding the PMU participation in the Mosul liberation battle.

The convening leaders of the Sunni blocs asserted that they disapprove of the PMU participation in the battle, claiming that the citizens of Mosul refuse this participation due to the violations committed by factions from the PMU during the liberation of other regions, such as Salahuddin and Fallujah.
The leaders believe that “this participation will send out bad messages to the citizens of Ninevah province and might be considered propaganda for the Islamic State [IS].” Nujaifi repeated his objection to the PMU participation in the Mosul battle in his meeting Aug. 21 with the Kuwait ambassador to Iraq.

Despite the objections to the PMU participation and the accusations against them, the leaders of these forces still insist on participating and could care less about the objectors.

In a quick response to the stance of the Mutahidoun bloc in this regard, member of the PMU Opinion Committee Karim al-Nuri described the meeting between the Sunni politicians and Jones as “shameful,” and said, “The PMU are essential forces that will certainly participate in the Mosul battle.”

In a press statement published Aug. 8 on the official website of the PMU, Nuri said, “The commander in chief of the armed forces, Haider al-Abadi, has decided on the PMU participation in the Mosul liberation battle as it is a military formation affiliated with the Iraqi security institution, and no foreign parties should intervene in the country’s internal affairs. The United States and any other parties cannot forbid the PMU from participating in the battle.”

Human Rights Watch (HRW) had called on the Iraqi army commanders July 31 to forbid militias, i.e., the PMU, that have a dangerous record of violations from participating in military battles in Mosul. HRW wrote, “In order for the government to abide by all possible measures to protect civilians and ensure the respect of the rules of war, it must stop these militias from participating in the Mosul battle.”

In this framework, Joe Stork, the deputy head of the Middle East Department at HRW, said in the same report, “Militias which constitute part of the PMU have committed heinous violations several times on a large scale sometimes, most recently in Fallujah. There were no consequences to their actions despite the government’s promises to launch an investigation. Iraqi leaders must spare civilians in Mosul the huge danger of militias that have a record of violations.”

The PMU participation in the Mosul liberation battle is not the only thing angering Sunnis, who were even more distressed to find out that leader of the Iranian Quds Force Qasem Soleimani might also participate in the battle. Mosul citizens are increasingly concerned about possible violations against them.

PMU spokesman Ahmad al-Asadi said in a statement July 30 that he hopes Soleimani would be present in the Mosul liberation battle because he has largely contributed to the battles against IS. He added that the PMU is so eager to have Soleimani participate that their desire might outweigh the will of the Iraqi government and the citizens of Mosul in regard to the presence of an Iranian official in the battles.

Apparently, Sadrist movement leader Muqtada al-Sadr also refused the participation of the PMU and said Aug. 8, in response to a question by one of his followers, “The Mosul liberation battle must be fully in the hands of the Iraqi security forces. We will not accept for the occupiers [United States] or any other party [PMU] to interfere.”

Sunni politicians and civilians in regions under IS control will not rest as long as there are forces that they think are out there to get them rather than free them, and as long as some armed factions are taking action without the knowledge of the Iraqi government. The latter will not be able to control all activities or forbid all human rights violations.

In case the PMU do participate in the Mosul liberation battle, it is very likely to result in human rights violations and clashes between the Shiite units and the Sunni National Forces that are led by Ninevah province’s former governor, Atheel al-Nujaifi. These factors are enough to obstruct the course of the battle.

The Sectarian Antichrist (Revelation 13:18)

 
No freedom if sectarianism alive


The Jordanian Times 

Iraqis in Jordan are worried about the fall of Mosul, within the next few weeks, as announced by Baghdad.

The majority of Iraqis here are Shiites; they heard about the atrocities committed by Shiite militias against Sunni families in Fallujah and Tikrit following the liberation of villages from Daesh.
Living in a Sunni ambience in Jordan, Iraqi Shiites issued statements on May 23, 2016, against the rape and pillaging of Fallujah Sunni women by one Shiite militia called Saraya Ansar Al Aqeeda (Supporters of the Creed), led by Jalal All Din Al Saghir, who is member of Hashd Shaabi, or Popular Mobilisation Units, allowed by the Iraqi prime minister to be led by Qassem Suleimani, the notorious Iranian general who commands the Quds Brigades within the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps.
The Mosul liberation battle will create nearly 1 million refugees, as well as new cases of rape and pillage by the Hashd Shaabi, which does not abide by the discipline of regular army officers.
The ghost of the atrocities in Fallujah against Sunnis haunts these days the Iraqis in Amman who will feel the stigma of shame talking to their Sunni hosts.

Following the fall of Mosul to Daesh in June 2014, and the sudden surrender of four Iraqi army divisions, the supreme spiritual leader of Iraqi Shiites in Najaf, Ayatollah Ali Al Sistani, endorsed the formation of militias to guard holy places and protect Karbala shrines.

They total roughly 60,000 fighters distributed among Hizbollah-Iraq, Liwa Al Muntazar, Saraya Ashuraa and Saraya Ansar Al Aqeeda, which is the most vicious of all militias.

Its leader disobeyed Ayatollah Sistani and sent some of his fighters to the civil war in Syria to support Lebanon’s Hizbollah there.

As a mosque preacher, Saghir managed to issue many religious edicts (fatwa) to his followers to challenge the traditional hierarchy of clerics like Muqtada Al Sadr or Ammar Al Hikim of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq.

A defeat of Daesh in Mosul will be welcome news for many Jordanians and Iraqis. This stigma had marred our religion for centuries to come.

But rabid sectarianism will dominate Iraq and adjacent regions if a repeat of what was committed in Fallujah against Sunnis last year at the hands of the Popular Mobilisation Units militias is allowed to happen now by the revenge-hungry Ansar Al Aqeeda, who want to have a second foray of pillage, plunder and torture of Sunnis.

The Antichrist’s Rule Of Iraq Is Next (Rev 13)

On eve of mass protests, what’s next for Iraq’s political crisis?

Al Monitor

BAGHDAD, Iraq — On June 28, the nation’s Federal Supreme Court decided to nullify two parliamentary sessions, the first held April 14, during which parliament Speaker Salim al-Jubouri was dismissed by what are known as the Reform bloc legislators, and the second held April 26, during which a partial parliament reshuffle was approved in the absence of the Reform bloc politicians.
That has set the stage for events to come to a head this month, as the parliamentary recess has ended and a parliament session is to be held sometime soon.

Also, Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, who on May 28 began a retreat from public action, re-emerged this month. In addition, a truce between protesters and the pro-government and political reform movement came to a halt July 6, at the end of the holy month of Ramadan.

This indicates the onset of a new significant political conflict between parliamentary parties on the one hand, and between security services and angry protesters led by Sadr on the other.

Ahmed Abdul Hussein, a member of the Coordination Committee of Baghdad Protests, posted on his Facebook page on July 5 that Sadr, in conjunction with the civil movement, is setting in motion a large demonstration for July 15.

His post read, “[Our] meeting with Sayyid Muqtada al-Sadr included the following: A review of the process of the demonstrations and protests since they first began in July 2015 until this day, an analysis of the results, constraints and proposed solutions, and an agreement on a demonstration in which millions will participate on July 15.”

The demonstration will be in protest against the delay in achieving the reforms and the formation of a technocratic government in addition to the security situation that has deteriorated remarkably this month, with the prime example being the July 3 bombing in the Karrada district of Baghdad, killing over 200 people, in addition to an attempt to bomb the Sayyid Muhammad Shiite shrine in Balad on July 8 that killed at least 40.

As a result of the carnage, Sadr intends to expand the demands of the protests to include changing the leadership of the security issue.

All of this reflects that Sadr is convinced that his reform goals have not been achieved and that he will go out of his way to mobilize the street in order to pressure the politicians and government institutions to achieve what he believes is reform.

Some parties, including the Kurdish Alliance’s parliamentary bloc, see this as “political blackmail.” This was expressed by Mohsen al-Sadoun, a member of parliament for the Kurdish Alliance, who told Al-Monitor, “Using the street to clash with the security forces and storm the government’s headquarters is unacceptable, and it expresses an attempt to impose a one-sided political will on the rest of the parties involved in the political process. Those parties have their own supporters and popular movements, but they do not use them to terrorize the other parties.”

On April 30 and May 20, Sadr supporters stormed the heavily fortified Green Zone, which houses the Cabinet, the parliament and embassies of some countries, notably the US Embassy.

Sadoun said he believes that “the Federal Court’s nullification of the April 14 and 26 sessions will allow political initiatives to return and will pave the way for negotiations, provided that they are not under political pressure from any party.”

Parliament member Abdul Rahman al-Louezi said the Reform bloc believes that the nullification of the parliamentary session where Jubouri was dismissed will not stop parliament from attempting to dismiss him once again.

“The Reform bloc will operate as an opposition bloc within the parliament and will do whatever it takes to dismiss Jubouri because he is behind the delay in achieving reform. His dismissal must be accomplished in such a way that it puts an end to sectarian and partisan quotas in government agencies,” Louezi told Al-Monitor.

It seems that the Reform bloc’s insistence on proceeding with Jubouri’s dismissal will keep the political conflict ongoing, with the possibility of escalation. The court’s decision to cancel the dismissal and political reshuffle sessions will not be a prelude to solving the crisis, especially since Sadr continues to organize demonstrations demanding the formation of a technocratic government and putting an end to the quota system.

On the other hand, should the top three Iraqi leaders, (the president, the prime minister and the parliament speaker) insist on remaining in their positions and reject the “reform” demanded by the Reform bloc and Sadr, the crisis will hit a dead end, all the while the security and economic situations continue to deteriorate, plaguing the country with constant tension in the absence of a solution that satisfies all parties.

Meanwhile, all of this will impact the state system in general, which will lead to a constant state of weakness in government institutions, accompanied by a failure to take serious measures regarding the security situation and the conditions in a post-Islamic State phase

Iraq Army Rises Against The Antichrist

Iraq holds military parade in central Baghdad, seen as show of force against Sadr

Soldiers of the Iraqi armed forces take part in a military parade in central Baghdad, July 14, 2016.Photo: AFP

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region- Marking the 14th of July coup that overthrew Iraq’s monarchy in 1958 Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi oversaw a military parade in central Baghdad where he praised his army’s latest victories against the Islamic State (ISIS).

A Shiite militia spokesperson told Rudaw that the parade was as much about celebrating the liberation of the Sunni city of Fallujah from ISIS last month as it was about the July 14th event.
“This parade was planned three weeks ago to mark the Iraqi forces’ success in Fallujah,” he said.
According to Rudaw correspondent in Baghdad Barham Hassan, members of the Iran-backed Shiite militia group known as Hashd al-Shaabi participated in the parade that took place at Baghdad’s Tahrir Square.

Tahrir Square has been the site of anti-government demonstrations in recent months.

Aws al-Khafaji, a Shiite militia spokesman, told Rudaw that many troops had been brought to Baghdad from parts of the country to attend the parade after which they were dispatched to their front lines.

The parade that was attended by members of the UN staff in Iraq, also included the federal police and security forces.

Today’s parade was Iraq’s biggest since the ouster of the former regime thirteen years ago in which an estimated 15,000 soldiers participated.

The Iraqi army has recorded several victories against ISIS in the last two months.

In June they managed two drive ISIS militants from Fallujah after two weeks of intense battle and on Saturday they captured the Qayara airfield from the group southeast of Mosul.

Heavy fighting is still ongoing between the army and entrenched militants for the town of Qayara itself.

Some observers see Abadi’s military parade in central Baghdad and in Tahrir Square in particular as a show of force against Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr who has threatened a million-man march in the capital on Friday.

Earlier this week a group of Shiite clerics—encouraged by PM Abadi—traveled to the city of Najaf to dissuade Sadr from holding the march which according to reports they failed to achieve.
Sadr has blamed Abadi’s government for failing security around Baghdad and on Tuesday he arrived in military uniform at the scene of Karrada’s deadly bombing earlier this month that killed more than 292 people.

Abadi has called on all Iraqis and political groups in recent weeks to stand by the army and its successes against ISIS and not disrupt their advance with demonstrations and political rivalry.

Antichrist Plans Million Man March (Revelation 13)

Shiite clerics fail to persuade Sadr against planned million-man demonstration

By Simav Mazher 5 hours ago
 

 Supporters of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr hold an anti-corruption protest in Bhagdad, April, 2016. Photo: AFP

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region — A group of prominent Shiite clerics have met in the Iraqi holy city of Najaf to persuade the radical militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr against holding a planned million man demonstration in the capital Baghdad on Friday.

According to Rudaw reporter in Baghdad, Barham Hassan, Sadr attended the meeting with the clerical group.

Rudaw has learned that the clerics asked Sadr to call off any planned demonstrations and send a message to his followers and Iraqi people in general telling them to support the government.

The clerics reportedly failed to dissuade Sadr and he is said to have arrived in Baghdad just two days before his planned demonstrations.

The clerics have also asked disputing Shiite parties to put aside their differences and support the government.

Thousands of supporters of Sadr broke the concrete barriers of Baghdad’s Green Zone in April and stormed the parliament building following a Friday speech by the radical cleric at the Tahrir square.
The office of Prime Minister Haider Abadi asked Iraqis to stay united and “appreciate the victories of the Iraqi forces that have recently been achieved” in the fight against the Islamic State (ISIS).

Abadi called on “the Iraqi people and political groups to unite their efforts to preserve the military success in Mosul and Fallujah,”

“The priority should be defeating ISIS,” read a statement from the premier.

Abadi has been under attack from MPs and militia groups for failing security in the capital Baghdad after a bomb explosion in Karrada killed 292 people earlier this month.

In his message the Iraqi prime minister said that attacks such as the one in Karrada were attempts by ISIS “to back stab and shock the people through its assistants and such acts to delay the Mosul operation.”

Abadi has promised fundamental reforms since his appointment as prime minister two years ago, including the sacking of several prominent security officials, but Sadr and his group have blamed him for a slow implementation of reforms.

The radical cleric appears to be filling in for security forces in parts of the country since the Karrada bombing.

On Tuesday he ordered the deployment of 600 militiamen to the town of Balad north of Baghdad to protect the Shiite shrine of Sayed Mohammad al-Hadi.

The same day he visited the site of the Karrada bombing wearing military uniform.

The Men Of The Antichrist (Revelation 13:18)

Analysis:  Who Are Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces, What Is Their Aim?

July 11, 2016 – 2:07 PM

• News Code : 765261
• Source : Websites

State-sponsored umbrella organization of PMF is composed of some 40 groups, which are mainly Shiite Muslim groups, but there are Sunni Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi groups as well.
 

AhlulBayt News Agency – The Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), Hashid Shaabi in Arabic, are currently one of the most significant Iraqi forces fighting the ISIS terror group in the country. The structure and organization of the PMF has been one of the issues calling attention of the political researchers during the past two years.

State-sponsored umbrella organization of PMF is composed of some 40 groups, which are mainly Shiite Muslim groups, but there are Sunni Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi groups as well.

The Major units forming the PMF are Saraya al-Salam, Military wing of Badr Organization, Kata’ib Hezbollah, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, Hezbollah Movement of Iraq, Kata’ib Jenah Resali, Saraya al-Khorasani, and Saraya Ashura.

On June 13, 2014, Iraq’s grand Shiite cleric Ayatollah Sayyed Ali al-Sistani issued a jihad fatwa, calling the Shiite Muslims of Iraq to mobilize to fight against the ISIS terror group. Immediately after the call, the Shiites of the country staged massive recruiting arrangements, and became united under the Popular Mobilization Forces organization.

This union paved the way for the PMF to become a link between different political and ideological movements in Iraq.

Key forces and movements present within the PMF are:

Saraya al-Salam

Saraya al-Salam forces are in fact the units of Mahdi Army, belonging to the top Shiite leader Ayatollah Muqtada al-Sadr, which in August 2007 officially halted military activities due to a decree by its leadership for disbandment. The forces of Mahdi Army were reorganized under the new name of Saraya al-Salam only two days after Ayatollah Sistani’s jihad fatwa. They are fully armed units, with tens of thousands of fighters. They could be called as the military arm of al-Sadr in Iraq. The Saraya al-Salam have declared their major aim to be protection of the sacred places in both Najaf and Karbala cities, as well as fighting the foreign forces in the country. The pro-Sadr force showed highly efficient military capabilities between 2003 and 2007, having major military equipments at their disposal.

Military wing of Badr Organization

The Badr Organization was founded in mid-2012 under leadership of Hadi al-Amiri, the current chief of PMF. The organization now stands as the key force among other forces forming the PMF. The organization enjoys large credibility among the Shiite Iraqis, and holds firm bonds with Nouri al-Maliki, the former Prime Minister of Iraq, and also the army. In the time being, the Badr Organization’s forces make up the key force in the body of PMF, with about 10,000 fighters.

Kata’ib Hezbollah

Kata’ib Hezbollah or Hezbollah Battalions was formed several months before US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Initially, its organizational name was Kata’ib Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas, however, in 2007 it was renamed to Kata’ib Hezbollah of Iraq. The members of Kata’ib Hezbollah are followers of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and also Iraq’s grand Shiite cleric Ayatollah Sayyed Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr. Although it shares name with the resistant Lebanese group Hezbollah, their organizational structures are completely distinct and separate, and they only share similar objectives. One of major goals of this Shiite militant group is to confront all of the foreign forces next to Iraqi borders. Its first military operation was in 2003 against the US military convoy in Baghdad. It is not clear who are the main commanders of the military organization. Presently, it is one of key forces active beside others in PMF.

Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq

The force is part of the larger body of Mahdi Army. It declared existence 2007 after an order by Ayatollah Muqtada al-Sadr as a separate force following disbandment of Mahdi Army. Qais al-Khazali and Sheikh Akram al-Kaabi are leaders of this Shiite militia group. This force could be seen as the strictest and toughest group among the other forces of the PMF. During US and UK invasion of Iraq, it launched assaults against the American forces stationed in Iraq. The fighters of the force could reach tens of thousands in number.

Hezbollah Movement of Iraq

The group was founded in 2011 under leadership of Hassan al-Sari, the member of Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. The force joined the PMF after the jihad fatwa of Ayatollah al-Sistani. Their number is estimated to be about 3,000.

Kata’ib Jenah Resali

The force, like its counterparts, was formed after Jihad call. Kazem al-Haeri is the leader of the militia group. It has about 2,000 fighters, and showed an efficient presence in anti-ISIS battles.

Saraya al-Khorasani

The group was formed in 2013 as the military wing of Talia Party. Its chief is Ali al-Yaseri. The group is comprised of 3,000 fighters, and since the beginning of clashes of PMF with ISIS it was present in the battlefields.

Saraya Ashura

The militia group was also formed immediately after call for jihad by Ayatollah al-Sistani. The force is majorly recognized as the military wing of Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. Over 5,000 fighters are estimated to form this group.

The Popular Mobilization Forces was created to confront foreign interventions or domestic calamities such as the one currently trapping Iraq in an inextricable network of foreign-backed terrorist plots.

There is no doubt that Iraq’s national army and security forces play a key role in the battles but that doesn’t mean that the PMF are just there to warm the bench. Instead, these groups, according to experts, have made a fundamental difference on the battlefield. Most notably, PMF fighters possess a quality that the army does not have and that is the upper-hand in the guerilla warfare.

What was known as the Second Battle of Tikrit was an example that shows the strength the PMF has on the ground. The recapturing of the provincial capital of the Salahuddin province in April 2015 marked a turning point in the war against ISIS as the popular mobilization forces, along with security forces, were engaged in the largest offensive against ISIS since they occupied swathes of territory in northern Iraq in June 2014, declared the so-called caliphate, and launched attacks against security forces and innocent civilians alike.

PMF’s Latest show of powers against ISIS was liberation operation of Fallujah, the terrorist group’s stronghold in mainly Sunni populated province of al-Anbar.

Fallujah was a name that for at least a decade in Iraq has been synonymous with clashes, violence and terrorism.

The city has been held by the ISIS terrorist group in early 2014. It didn’t take the terrorists much effort to seize control of the city because part of the Fallujah population were in favor of going under the rule of militants of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of ISIS, and so facilitated their entry to the city.

It is notable that several thousand Sunni, Assyrian, and Yazidi volunteers are fighting ISIS under the flag of PMF. But regional media, mostly those belonging to Saudi Arabia,  underestimate their role and only magnify the Shiite fighters’ role in PMF all to fan tensions as crisis is under way in Iraq.

The PMFs military capacities have been invested constructively in the country. They even have the potential to establish security and prosperity in a post-war Iraq, if given the chance.

Scenes of jubilation following many victories that have been broadcast in the aftermath of fierce clashes showed many fighters from the Popular Mobilization forces expressing their sense of nationalism in song and dance. Singing the national anthem or traditional rhythms while waving the Iraqi flag is how members of the country’s volunteer units like to celebrate their accomplishments, which they selflessly dedicate to their country.

These images, however, are but a glimpse of what they are willing to do for the best interests of Iraq. Although tribes, parties, and organizations in Iraq are highly-regarded they have not interfered with the loyalty of these people to their country. When in need they rise above their different allegiances and unite for the sake of Iraq and the Popular Mobilization Forces is a model of that.

The Men Of The Antichrist (Revelation 13:18)

Analysis:  Who Are Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces, What Is Their Aim?

July 11, 2016 – 2:07 PM

• News Code : 765261
• Source : Websites

State-sponsored umbrella organization of PMF is composed of some 40 groups, which are mainly Shiite Muslim groups, but there are Sunni Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi groups as well.
 

AhlulBayt News Agency – The Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), Hashid Shaabi in Arabic, are currently one of the most significant Iraqi forces fighting the ISIS terror group in the country. The structure and organization of the PMF has been one of the issues calling attention of the political researchers during the past two years.

State-sponsored umbrella organization of PMF is composed of some 40 groups, which are mainly Shiite Muslim groups, but there are Sunni Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi groups as well.

The Major units forming the PMF are Saraya al-Salam, Military wing of Badr Organization, Kata’ib Hezbollah, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, Hezbollah Movement of Iraq, Kata’ib Jenah Resali, Saraya al-Khorasani, and Saraya Ashura.

On June 13, 2014, Iraq’s grand Shiite cleric Ayatollah Sayyed Ali al-Sistani issued a jihad fatwa, calling the Shiite Muslims of Iraq to mobilize to fight against the ISIS terror group. Immediately after the call, the Shiites of the country staged massive recruiting arrangements, and became united under the Popular Mobilization Forces organization.

This union paved the way for the PMF to become a link between different political and ideological movements in Iraq.

Key forces and movements present within the PMF are:

Saraya al-Salam

Saraya al-Salam forces are in fact the units of Mahdi Army, belonging to the top Shiite leader Ayatollah Muqtada al-Sadr, which in August 2007 officially halted military activities due to a decree by its leadership for disbandment. The forces of Mahdi Army were reorganized under the new name of Saraya al-Salam only two days after Ayatollah Sistani’s jihad fatwa. They are fully armed units, with tens of thousands of fighters. They could be called as the military arm of al-Sadr in Iraq. The Saraya al-Salam have declared their major aim to be protection of the sacred places in both Najaf and Karbala cities, as well as fighting the foreign forces in the country. The pro-Sadr force showed highly efficient military capabilities between 2003 and 2007, having major military equipments at their disposal.

Military wing of Badr Organization

The Badr Organization was founded in mid-2012 under leadership of Hadi al-Amiri, the current chief of PMF. The organization now stands as the key force among other forces forming the PMF. The organization enjoys large credibility among the Shiite Iraqis, and holds firm bonds with Nouri al-Maliki, the former Prime Minister of Iraq, and also the army. In the time being, the Badr Organization’s forces make up the key force in the body of PMF, with about 10,000 fighters.

Kata’ib Hezbollah

Kata’ib Hezbollah or Hezbollah Battalions was formed several months before US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Initially, its organizational name was Kata’ib Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas, however, in 2007 it was renamed to Kata’ib Hezbollah of Iraq. The members of Kata’ib Hezbollah are followers of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and also Iraq’s grand Shiite cleric Ayatollah Sayyed Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr. Although it shares name with the resistant Lebanese group Hezbollah, their organizational structures are completely distinct and separate, and they only share similar objectives. One of major goals of this Shiite militant group is to confront all of the foreign forces next to Iraqi borders. Its first military operation was in 2003 against the US military convoy in Baghdad. It is not clear who are the main commanders of the military organization. Presently, it is one of key forces active beside others in PMF.

Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq

The force is part of the larger body of Mahdi Army. It declared existence 2007 after an order by Ayatollah Muqtada al-Sadr as a separate force following disbandment of Mahdi Army. Qais al-Khazali and Sheikh Akram al-Kaabi are leaders of this Shiite militia group. This force could be seen as the strictest and toughest group among the other forces of the PMF. During US and UK invasion of Iraq, it launched assaults against the American forces stationed in Iraq. The fighters of the force could reach tens of thousands in number.

Hezbollah Movement of Iraq

The group was founded in 2011 under leadership of Hassan al-Sari, the member of Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. The force joined the PMF after the jihad fatwa of Ayatollah al-Sistani. Their number is estimated to be about 3,000.

Kata’ib Jenah Resali

The force, like its counterparts, was formed after Jihad call. Kazem al-Haeri is the leader of the militia group. It has about 2,000 fighters, and showed an efficient presence in anti-ISIS battles.

Saraya al-Khorasani

The group was formed in 2013 as the military wing of Talia Party. Its chief is Ali al-Yaseri. The group is comprised of 3,000 fighters, and since the beginning of clashes of PMF with ISIS it was present in the battlefields.

Saraya Ashura

The militia group was also formed immediately after call for jihad by Ayatollah al-Sistani. The force is majorly recognized as the military wing of Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. Over 5,000 fighters are estimated to form this group.

The Popular Mobilization Forces was created to confront foreign interventions or domestic calamities such as the one currently trapping Iraq in an inextricable network of foreign-backed terrorist plots.

There is no doubt that Iraq’s national army and security forces play a key role in the battles but that doesn’t mean that the PMF are just there to warm the bench. Instead, these groups, according to experts, have made a fundamental difference on the battlefield. Most notably, PMF fighters possess a quality that the army does not have and that is the upper-hand in the guerilla warfare.

What was known as the Second Battle of Tikrit was an example that shows the strength the PMF has on the ground. The recapturing of the provincial capital of the Salahuddin province in April 2015 marked a turning point in the war against ISIS as the popular mobilization forces, along with security forces, were engaged in the largest offensive against ISIS since they occupied swathes of territory in northern Iraq in June 2014, declared the so-called caliphate, and launched attacks against security forces and innocent civilians alike.

PMF’s Latest show of powers against ISIS was liberation operation of Fallujah, the terrorist group’s stronghold in mainly Sunni populated province of al-Anbar.

Fallujah was a name that for at least a decade in Iraq has been synonymous with clashes, violence and terrorism.

The city has been held by the ISIS terrorist group in early 2014. It didn’t take the terrorists much effort to seize control of the city because part of the Fallujah population were in favor of going under the rule of militants of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of ISIS, and so facilitated their entry to the city.

It is notable that several thousand Sunni, Assyrian, and Yazidi volunteers are fighting ISIS under the flag of PMF. But regional media, mostly those belonging to Saudi Arabia,  underestimate their role and only magnify the Shiite fighters’ role in PMF all to fan tensions as crisis is under way in Iraq.

The PMFs military capacities have been invested constructively in the country. They even have the potential to establish security and prosperity in a post-war Iraq, if given the chance.

Scenes of jubilation following many victories that have been broadcast in the aftermath of fierce clashes showed many fighters from the Popular Mobilization forces expressing their sense of nationalism in song and dance. Singing the national anthem or traditional rhythms while waving the Iraqi flag is how members of the country’s volunteer units like to celebrate their accomplishments, which they selflessly dedicate to their country.

These images, however, are but a glimpse of what they are willing to do for the best interests of Iraq. Although tribes, parties, and organizations in Iraq are highly-regarded they have not interfered with the loyalty of these people to their country. When in need they rise above their different allegiances and unite for the sake of Iraq and the Popular Mobilization Forces is a model of that.

Antichrist Sends Militia To Protect Mosques (Rev 13:18)

Sadr deploys hundreds of his militia to protect Shiite shrine north of Baghdad

By Rudaw 6 hours ago

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – The firebrand Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr has ordered the deployment of 600 militiamen to the town of Balad north of Baghdad just days after an attack by extremist militants on a shrine killed more than 40 people.

“We aim to protect the sacred religious shrines, and our presence in this town is in coordination with the government,” said Salim Aish, a Shiite militia commander of Saraya al-Salam, the military wing of Sadr’s Mahdi army. “We hope there is mutual understanding between our forces based here and local authorities.”

A group of Islamic State (ISIS) militants stormed the shrine of Sayed Mohammed Ali al-Hadi last week. A suicide bomber blew himself inside the shrine while another detonated his explosives among the fleeing worshipers.

40 people were killed and more than 70 others were injured.

“In fact this incident grieved us,” said a Shiite visitor to the shrine. “Any Muslim human being is unhappy with what happened here,”

Local officials say last week’s attack has not decreased the number of visitors to the shrine of al-Hadi who is a descendent of Prophet Muhammed.

Shiite militia groups have fought ISIS alongside the Iraqi army across the country in the last two years. With ISIS on the run in some parts of Iraq the militiamen have been tasked with maintaining security in some areas particularly Shiite shrines.

“I tell Shiites in the world, do your best to help the Iraqi Shiites, whether it is through fundraising or visiting the country,” said an Iranian Shiite visitor at the shrine.

Iraq is home of the Shiite faith’s most important sites such as the shrine of Imam Ali in Najaf and Imam Hussein in Karbala.

The shrines and their visitors have been the target of bombings by extremist Sunni groups in the decade since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime.

Shiites bring the coffin or their dead to such holy shrines for blessing before burial.

Antichrist Calls For New Protests

Iraqi cleric Sadr calls for fresh anti-corruption demonstrations

Published July 12th, 2016 – 14:30 GMT via SyndiGate.info

Iraqi Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr has called for a popular uprising against the Iraqi government over the slow pace of promised reforms. (AFP/File)

Prominent Iraqi Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr has called on his followers to stage mass demonstrations in capital Baghdad on Friday to demand that the government adopt sweeping measures to fight state corruption.

In a statement Monday, al-Sadr said demonstrators would call for “the eradication of [government] corruption and injustice and the dismissal of all corrupt officials”.

“Terrorism,” he went on to assert, “is not the only enemy”.

Iraq has remained in the throes of a deepening political crisissince March, when Prime Minister Haidar al-Abadi — under mounting pressure to rein in corruption — attempted to form a government of “technocrats” untainted by graft or sectarian affiliations.

Until now, however, Iraq’s various political parties, including a number of Shia ones, have blocked the new government from being drawn up.

Al-Sadr’s supporters, meanwhile, have been staging protests over the past five months to demand that al-Abadi replace his Cabinet with independent “technocrats” mandated with fighting corruption.
In April, the firebrand cleric froze the activities of his Ahrar bloc (which holds 34 of parliament’s 328 seats), effectively thwarting a parliamentary vote on whether or not to sack the president, prime minister and parliamentary speaker.

The Men Of The Antichrist (Revelation 13:18)

Analysis:  Who Are Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces, What Is Their Aim?

July 11, 2016 – 2:07 PM

• News Code : 765261
• Source : Websites

State-sponsored umbrella organization of PMF is composed of some 40 groups, which are mainly Shiite Muslim groups, but there are Sunni Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi groups as well.
 

AhlulBayt News Agency – The Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), Hashid Shaabi in Arabic, are currently one of the most significant Iraqi forces fighting the ISIS terror group in the country. The structure and organization of the PMF has been one of the issues calling attention of the political researchers during the past two years.

State-sponsored umbrella organization of PMF is composed of some 40 groups, which are mainly Shiite Muslim groups, but there are Sunni Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi groups as well.

The Major units forming the PMF are Saraya al-Salam, Military wing of Badr Organization, Kata’ib Hezbollah, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, Hezbollah Movement of Iraq, Kata’ib Jenah Resali, Saraya al-Khorasani, and Saraya Ashura.

On June 13, 2014, Iraq’s grand Shiite cleric Ayatollah Sayyed Ali al-Sistani issued a jihad fatwa, calling the Shiite Muslims of Iraq to mobilize to fight against the ISIS terror group. Immediately after the call, the Shiites of the country staged massive recruiting arrangements, and became united under the Popular Mobilization Forces organization.

This union paved the way for the PMF to become a link between different political and ideological movements in Iraq.

Key forces and movements present within the PMF are 

:

Saraya al-Salam

Saraya al-Salam forces are in fact the units of Mahdi Army, belonging to the top Shiite leader Ayatollah Muqtada al-Sadr, which in August 2007 officially halted military activities due to a decree by its leadership for disbandment. The forces of Mahdi Army were reorganized under the new name of Saraya al-Salam only two days after Ayatollah Sistani’s jihad fatwa. They are fully armed units, with tens of thousands of fighters. They could be called as the military arm of al-Sadr in Iraq. The Saraya al-Salam have declared their major aim to be protection of the sacred places in both Najaf and Karbala cities, as well as fighting the foreign forces in the country. The pro-Sadr force showed highly efficient military capabilities between 2003 and 2007, having major military equipments at their disposal 

.

Military wing of Badr Organization

The Badr Organization was founded in mid-2012 under leadership of Hadi al-Amiri, the current chief of PMF. The organization now stands as the key force among other forces forming the PMF. The organization enjoys large credibility among the Shiite Iraqis, and holds firm bonds with Nouri al-Maliki, the former Prime Minister of Iraq, and also the army. In the time being, the Badr Organization’s forces make up the key force in the body of PMF, with about 10,000 fighters 

.

Kata’ib Hezbollah

Kata’ib Hezbollah or Hezbollah Battalions was formed several months before US invasion of Iraq in 2003. Initially, its organizational name was Kata’ib Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas, however, in 2007 it was renamed to Kata’ib Hezbollah of Iraq. The members of Kata’ib Hezbollah are followers of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and also Iraq’s grand Shiite cleric Ayatollah Sayyed Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr. Although it shares name with the resistant Lebanese group Hezbollah, their organizational structures are completely distinct and separate, and they only share similar objectives. One of major goals of this Shiite militant group is to confront all of the foreign forces next to Iraqi borders. Its first military operation was in 2003 against the US military convoy in Baghdad. It is not clear who are the main commanders of the military organization. Presently, it is one of key forces active beside others in PMF 

.

Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq

The force is part of the larger body of Mahdi Army. It declared existence 2007 after an order by Ayatollah Muqtada al-Sadr as a separate force following disbandment of Mahdi Army. Qais al-Khazali and Sheikh Akram al-Kaabi are leaders of this Shiite militia group. This force could be seen as the strictest and toughest group among the other forces of the PMF. During US and UK invasion of Iraq, it launched assaults against the American forces stationed in Iraq. The fighters of the force could reach tens of thousands in number 

.

Hezbollah Movement of Iraq

The group was founded in 2011 under leadership of Hassan al-Sari, the member of Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. The force joined the PMF after the jihad fatwa of Ayatollah al-Sistani. Their number is estimated to be about 3,000 

.

Kata’ib Jenah Resali

The force, like its counterparts, was formed after Jihad call. Kazem al-Haeri is the leader of the militia group. It has about 2,000 fighters, and showed an efficient presence in anti-ISIS battles 

.

Saraya al-Khorasani

The group was formed in 2013 as the military wing of Talia Party. Its chief is Ali al-Yaseri. The group is comprised of 3,000 fighters, and since the beginning of clashes of PMF with ISIS it was present in the battlefields 

.

Saraya Ashura

The militia group was also formed immediately after call for jihad by Ayatollah al-Sistani. The force is majorly recognized as the military wing of Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq. Over 5,000 fighters are estimated to form this group 

.

The Popular Mobilization Forces was created to confront foreign interventions or domestic calamities such as the one currently trapping Iraq in an inextricable network of foreign-backed terrorist plots.

There is no doubt that Iraq’s national army and security forces play a key role in the battles but that doesn’t mean that the PMF are just there to warm the bench. Instead, these groups, according to experts, have made a fundamental difference on the battlefield. Most notably, PMF fighters possess a quality that the army does not have and that is the upper-hand in the guerilla warfare. 

What was known as the Second Battle of Tikrit was an example that shows the strength the PMF has on the ground. The recapturing of the provincial capital of the Salahuddin province in April 2015 marked a turning point in the war against ISIS as the popular mobilization forces, along with security forces, were engaged in the largest offensive against ISIS since they occupied swathes of territory in northern Iraq in June 2014, declared the so-called caliphate, and launched attacks against security forces and innocent civilians alike. 

PMF’s Latest show of powers against ISIS was liberation operation of Fallujah, the terrorist group’s stronghold in mainly Sunni populated province of al-Anbar 

.

Fallujah was a name that for at least a decade in Iraq has been synonymous with clashes, violence and terrorism 

.

The city has been held by the ISIS terrorist group in early 2014. It didn’t take the terrorists much effort to seize control of the city because part of the Fallujah population were in favor of going under the rule of militants of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of ISIS, and so facilitated their entry to the city 

.

It is notable that several thousand Sunni, Assyrian, and Yazidi volunteers are fighting ISIS under the flag of PMF. But regional media, mostly those belonging to Saudi Arabia,  underestimate their role and only magnify the Shiite fighters’ role in PMF all to fan tensions as crisis is under way in Iraq.

The PMFs military capacities have been invested constructively in the country. They even have the potential to establish security and prosperity in a post-war Iraq, if given the chance 

 .

Scenes of jubilation following many victories that have been broadcast in the aftermath of fierce clashes showed many fighters from the Popular Mobilization forces expressing their sense of nationalism in song and dance. Singing the national anthem or traditional rhythms while waving the Iraqi flag is how members of the country’s volunteer units like to celebrate their accomplishments, which they selflessly dedicate to their country. 

These images, however, are but a glimpse of what they are willing to do for the best interests of Iraq. Although tribes, parties, and organizations in Iraq are highly-regarded they have not interfered with the loyalty of these people to their country. When in need they rise above their different allegiances and unite for the sake of Iraq and the Popular Mobilization Forces is a model of that.

Why The Antichrist Will Soon Take Over Iraq

 
Fighting Terrorists With Magic Wands

July 10, 2016
Iraq armed with fake equipment.
BY CALLUM WOOD

The blast that ripped through Baghdad’s heart on July 3 was the deadliest attack on Iraq since 2003. According to Iraq’s Health Ministry officials, the death toll has reached 250.

A truck packed with explosives was detonated on a shopping street as Muslims broke their Ramadan fast. Baghdad’s residents have expressed outrage at the government. The bombing exposes the government’s inability to prevent terrorist attacks in the nation’s capital.

Interior Minister Mohammed al-Ghabban tendered his resignation after the attack, leaving with a parting shot at security forces. He called on the government to hand over responsibility for securing cities to the Interior Ministry, saying that hundreds of checkpoints across the capital were “absolutely useless.”

He is right. The explosives-laden truck needed to navigate a number of checkpoints on its way into the capital. Yet somehow it made it through. How?

Magic wands.

Over the years since the invasion, Iraq invested in a large number of $40,000 ADE-651 bomb detectors. The only problem, they weren’t worth the boxes they came in.

Now illegal, the ADE-651 works the same way a dowsing rod finds water. For those unaware of the dubious method, dowsing is done by a person who uses a fork, rod or pendulum to find water. A dowser’s fork will theoretically point down when the person is standing over a water source.
Sound like a hoax? It is. And so is the ADE-651. When a BBC crew acquired and disassembled one of these devices, it found that the electronics in it were no different from basic anti-theft devices found in stores throughout the world. It didn’t even have batteries. It was just a black box with a steel wand on a swivel. If you lean left, the rod swings left. If you lean right, it goes right.

The creator of the ADE-651 was arrested and imprisoned after the BBC report, and the ADE-651 has been exposed as a cheap fraud.

And yet the day after the bombings in Iraq, security forces were still waving the ADE-651’s at checkpoints. Haider al-Abadi has ordered the devices to be removed, but security forces have continued to use them. Some have said there simply is no alternative.

Angering Iraqis further, an Interior Ministry report concluded that 75 percent of the contract’s value was paid in kickbacks to Iraqi officials.

The phony devices are just one of many repercussions of a dysfunctional, corrupt and incapable Iraqi government. Another example is the ghost armies—imaginary soldiers whose paychecks go to senior commanders. The result is an overestimated army size and a breakdown in logistics.
The Iraqi people are fed up with the bombings and fed up with the corrupt government. What the people want is a new government and protection from the near-daily terrorist attacks.

Keep an eye on Iran. Tehran’s military commanders like Maj. Gen. Qassem Suleimani and sympathizers such as Muqtada al-Sadr are gaining respect and followers as they show themselves capable of taking the fight to the Islamic State in Iraq. The Trumpet has long foretold that Iraq will join into a close alliance with its Shiite neighbor. With public dissatisfaction toward Abadi and his corrupt government growing, Iraqis are looking for a savior. Iran will not miss the opportunity.

Antichrist’s Men Take Over Iraq (Revelation 13:18)

Fighters from the Peace Brigades loyal to Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr take part in field training in Najaf, Aug. 23, 2014. (photo by REUTERS/Alaa Al-Marjani)

Will Shiite power struggle turn into armed conflict in Iraq?

BAGHDAD — Most Shiite political parties in Iraq have their own armed groups, enjoying influence on the Iraqi street and engaging in the war against the Islamic State. Yet these groups all have different religious authorities and funding sources, and their stances towards domestic and foreign issues also differ. 

Signs are indicating that political disagreements over power among Shiite parties may turn into armed conflict, given the multiple armed factions and their influence on the street and within government institutions.

Author Mustafa Saadoun 
Posted July 7, 2016

Translator Joelle El-Khoury

Concern is widespread in Iraq over potential fighting among armed Shiite groups, and the potential for the political crisis within the Shiite alliance to exacerbate. Such conflicts could lead to a major crisis with great human and material losses that could further aggravate the deteriorating situation.
Recently, a dispute over the management of religious shrines flared up. On June 25, Al-Khaleej quoted Muhammad al-Rubeii, a leader of the Muqtada al-Sadr Peace Brigades, as saying that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Ameri, is implementing foreign agendas (a reference to Iran) to exert military and administrative control over the city of Samarra, home to the shrine of Al-Askari.
The dispute over the management of the shrine between the Shiite and Sunni endowments continues. Because Samarra is a Sunni-majority city, the dispute is worsening the recent row among Shiite groups and the city at large over the shrine’s management.
Management of the holy shrine has a lot of advantages and benefits, including symbolic prestige and financial interests, as it is visited frequently by Shiites from Iraq and elsewhere. The Sunni endowment used to manage the place in the time of Saddam Hussein. But after terrorists bombed Al-Askari Mosque in 2006, Shiites took over. Since then, different Shiite groups have competed for control.
As Moqtada al-Sadr and his supporters in the Sadrist movement took part in protests against the government of Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and stormed the Green Zone twice, some Shiites condemned this move as unjustified. On June 7, protesters believed to be supporters of Sadr shut down the headquarters of the Shiite parties in southern Iraq, tearing up photos of Iraqi and Iranian Shiite clerics.
On June 12, State of Law Coalition parliamentarian Rasoul Rady expressed trepidation that an armed conflict could break out among Shiite parties if the attacks against political parties’ headquarters in southern Iraq continue.
In response to the shutdown, a group of Shiite parties that have their own armed factions issued a warning June 10. The statement read, “We are calling on those claiming that they are leading the peaceful protests to [have the courage] to identify themselves and be dealt with in accordance with the protest law, to avert dire consequences and the combatant’s anger.”
Most Shiite factions in Iraq are backed by Iran, which is not on good terms with Sadr. His supporters are known for chanting slogans against Iran and Gen. Qasem Soleimani, who leads the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps’ operations in Iraq. Their actions have angered Iranians and Iran’s supporters in Iraq and could spark an armed conflict between the Sadrists and armed pro-Iranian groups.
When Sadrists stormed the Green Zone, where government and diplomatic headquarters are located, for the second time on May 20, gunmen affiliated with Khorasani Brigades were deployed in the streets of the Iraqi capital. This force, a faction of the Popular Mobilization Units, was led by Ali Yassiri, who was seen giving instructions to his men to shut down the entry points and protect the Green Zone.
Since then, other signs have emerged that the conflict could turn violent between the Sadrist Movement and its armed wing, the Peace Brigades, and other armed Shiite factions close to Iran.
Shiite National Alliance parliamentarian Hamed Khodor told Al-Monitor, “I do not expect fighting to take place between armed Shiite factions. It is a mere political dispute that may not reach the point of armed conflict.”
Yet National Alliance member Saad al-Matlabi disagreed with this optimism. He told Al-Monitor, “There is a political bloc [of Sadr and his followers] trying to impose its will upon other political blocs by force, which will not happen.” Matlabi went on, “The threat of chaos and protests and imposition of wills are no longer useful. Iraqi political blocs agree that there is a flaw in the Sadrist policy, which no longer has any allies, and all blocs are allied against it.”
Political analyst Wathek al-Hashemi, president of the Iraqi Group for Strategic Studies, told Al-Monitor, “There is more than one scenario for the post-IS stage. … If the [political] conflict evolves into an armed conflict, the Iraqi state would be unable to control the situation, due to its weakness.”
He added, “There is a struggle within the Shiite alliance and tension between its parties. If the Sadrist movement returns to the streets, things may evolve and the political and security situation may further worsen.”
The multiplicity of armed factions and leaders portends great danger, especially in the post-IS era. Everyone is fighting terrorism now, but later on, political disputes may turn into armed conflicts over either political gains or a specific geographic area.
This potential violence is seen as likely considering that 12 years ago, two armed Shiite groups fought in this manner. Jaish al-Mahdi, which was affiliated with Sadr, and the Badr Organization, which was under the umbrella of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq and headed by Ameri (a commander of the Popular Mobilization Units in addition to leading the Badr Organziation), had fought each other. The fighting resulted in the burning of the two groups’ offices and the deaths of dozens of people.

Antichrist Accuses Iraqi Politicians (Revelation 13)

Sadr accuses politicians of capitalizing on bombings

Shite Cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. File photo.

(IraqiNews.com) Baghdad – Shite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr affirmed that politicians are capitalizing on the bombings and urged the Iraqi people to cooperate for achieving stability.

Sadr, regarding the suicide bombings at al-Karrada yesterday, said, “Iraqi people are not used to humiliation and won’t surrender to terrorism or corruption,” adding, “These bombings are not going to end because many politicians are capitalizing on these. Only the Iraqi people are capable to end this corruption and heal the country.”

Antichrist To Take Advantage Of Al-Abadi’s Failures

  
Iraqi PM’s convoy pelted with stones after deadly blasts hit Baghdad

Agencies Sunday, 3 July 2016

A convoy carrying Iraqi Prime Minister Haider Abadi who had come to tour the site of the deadly bombings was pelted with stones and bottles by residents, angry at what they felt were false promises of better security.

A refrigerator truck packed with explosives blew up in the central district of Karrada, killing 91 people and injuring at least 200. ISIS claimed responsibility for the attack in a statement circulated online by supporters of the ultra-hard line Sunni group. It said the blast was a suicide bombing.
Video footage uploaded to social media showed the angry crowd, with people calling Abadi a “thief” and shouting at his convoy.

Eyewitness said the crowd pelted Abadi’s car with rocks, shoes and jerry cans.

Karrada was busy at the time as Iraqis eat out and shop late during the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan, which ends next week with the Eid al-Fitr festival.

Another video posted on social media showed a large blaze in the main street of Karrada, a largely Shiite district with a small Christian community and a few Sunni mosques.

Reuters TV footage taken in the morning showed at least four buildings severely damaged or partly collapsed, including a shopping mall believed to be the target, and gutted cars scattered all around.
The toll climbed during the day as rescuers pulled out more bodies from under the rubble and people succumbed from their injuries.

Until the government launched its Fallujah operation, the prime minister had faced growing social unrest and anti-government protests sparked, in part, by popular anger at the lack of security in the capital. In one month, Baghdad’s highly-fortified Green Zone – which houses government buildings and diplomatic missions – was stormed twice by anti-government protesters.

In Karada civilians expressed their frustration at the government’s failure to secure the capital.
“We are in a state of war, and these places are targeted. The security can’t focus on the war (against IS) and forget Baghdad,” Sami, the street vendor, said.

The UN envoy for Iraq, Jan Kubis, described the Karada attack as “a cowardly and heinous act of unparalleled proportions” and urged the Iraqi government to redouble its security efforts to protect Iraqis during celebrations for the Eid al-Fitr holiday, which marks the end of Ramadan.
(With Reuters, AP)

Last Update: Sunday, 3 July 2016 KSA 16:06 – GMT 13:06