Muqtada al-Sadr
After the fall of
Saddam, Muqtada al-Sadr, a charismatic Iraqi cleric who comes from a
powerful clerical dynasty, emerged as one of the country’s most
talked-about Shi’a leaders. Al-Sadr is the son of Grand Ayatollah
Muhammad al-Sadr, who was killed in 1999 by agents presumed to be
working for Saddam Hussein, thus becoming one of the major symbols of
Shi’a resistance to the former regime. Al-Sadr — who was believed to be
around 30 years old [though some sources claim he is in his early 20s] —
lived in the holy Shi’a city of Al-Najaf. The controversy regarding his
age was most likely started by opponents of al-Sadr trying to undermine
his legitimacy. Al-Sadr was one of the most vocal critics of the U.S.
occupation of Iraq. The leader of the Sadriyun Movement [Sadriun
Movement], he insisted US troops should leave the country immediately
and that Iraqis be given an opportunity to create an Islamic state if
they choose.
On
18 July 2003 al-Sadr used a Friday sermon in Al-Najaf to denounce as
“puppets” the members of Iraq’s new U.S.-appointed Governing Council. He
also announced his own plans to form a militia. Al-Sadr announced his new government during his sermon at Friday prayers in Al-Kufah on 10 October 2003. Muqtada
al-Sadr announced his intention to form an Islamic state in Iraq by
establishing a shadow government there, complete with ministries.
Fighting broke out in Karbala on 13 October 2003 when al-Sadr’s men
attacked supporters of moderate Shi’ite Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani
near the Imam Hussein shrine.
The
cleric challenged coalition forces after they closed his “Al-Hawzah”
newspaper on charges of incitement and arrested an al-Sadr aide on
charges relating to the al-Khoi killing. The situation escalated when it
was revealed that an Iraqi judge had also issued a warrant for
al-Sadr’s arrest in al-Khoi’s assassination outside the Imam Ali Mosque
in Al-Najaf.
Coalition
Provisional Authority (CPA) spokesman Dan Senor publicly revealed 05
April 2004 that an Iraqi judge has issued an arrest warrant for Shi’ite
cleric Muqtada al-Sadr in connection with the 10 April 2003 murder of
Shi’ite Grand Ayatollah Abd al-Majid al-Khoi at a mosque in Najaf. Senor
also announced that Iraqi police had arrested Mustafa al-Yacoubi in
connection with the same murder of Ayatollah Abdul Majid al-Khoei and
one of his aides.
Qom-based
Iraqi-born cleric Kazim al-Husseini al-Haeri with the administration of
eastern Baghdad, according to “The New York Times” on 26 April.
Al-Haeri reportedly issued a religious edict in early April that was
distributed among Shia clerics in Iraq that calls on them “to seize the
first possible opportunity to fill the power vacuum in the
administration of Iraqi cities.” “We hereby inform you that Mr. Muqtada
al-Sadr is our deputy and representative in all fatwa affairs,” Haeri’s
decree adds. “His position is my position.” Thousands of people chanted
their support for Muqtada al-Sadr as they went to hear him at the Friday
prayers at a Najaf mosque.
Al-Haeri
once had a close relationship with the Shia Al-Da’wah al-Islamiyah
party, but split with the group because al-Haeri was excessively
pro-Iranian and called for the party to respect the guidance of Iranian
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Beirut’s “Al-Mustaqbal” reported
on 24 April. Al-Haeri is an advocate of Vilayat-i Faqih (Guardianship of
the Supreme Jurisconsult), on which Iran’s theocracy is based.
Al-Haeri’s involvement in Iraqi politics could have a profound impact.
He is the point at which the Sadriyun (as supporters of al-Sadr are
known), SCIRI, and Da’wah converge.
Since
then, the 68-year-old al-Haeri renounced his relationship with al-Sadr.
“Mr. al-Sadr used to be our representative…but that was on condition of
obedience to and coordination with our office in Al-Najaf,” al-Haeri
said in comments posted on his website, AP reported on 5 September.
Al-Sadr “does not coordinate with our office, so his agency became
void,” according to the website, which added that al-Sadr “does not seek
our advice in his stances, so we cannot endorse what he does.”
According to a 5 September report in “The New York Times,” al-Haeri
withdrew his support for al-Sadr after Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani informed
senior clerics in Qom that the Imam al-Mahdi Army caused some of the
battle damage at the Imam Ali shrine in Al-Najaf.
By
early 2004 Sadr’s followers had elevated him to the rank of hujjat
al-Islam (a “Sign of Islam,” or a “Proof of Islam,” the third rank from
the top in the Shi’i clerical hierarchy). He wrapped himself in a white
funeral shroud, showing he is ready for death.
Thousands
of Iraqis in Baghdad and the Shi’ite-populated cities of Al-Kut,
Karbala, and Al-Najaf took to the streets in support of al-Sadr, while
the cleric’s outlawed Imam Al-Mahdi Army established control over
government buildings and police stations in a direct challenge to
coalition authority.
Former
Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani praised al-Sadr’s actions as
“heroic” during his Friday prayer sermon in Tehran on 9 April.
“Contrary to these terrorist groups in Iraq, there are powerful bodies
which contribute to the security of that nation…among them is the Mahdi
Army, made up of enthusiastic, heroic young people,” Reuters quoted
Rafsanjani as saying. However, Iranian Grand Ayatollah Hussein Ali
Montazeri criticized the Al-Mahdi Army in comments faxed to Reuters,
saying: “Imam Mahdi would never be content to initiate disunity,
division, and factionalism in his name.”
Muqtada
al-Sadr has resided in Iran since 2007, where he was said to be working
on his religious studies, with the reported intention of acquiring the
status of Ayatollah. Sadr was
frequently rumored to be returning to Iraq; as with the Hidden Imam,
past reports of his imminent return have not come to pass. Sadr is
often referred to as paranoid and distrustful, even of those in his
inner circle, and has a known tendency to replace those he thinks have
become too powerful and thereby pose a threat to his authority. Sadr
maintains close financial and political ties to Iran.
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