March 28, 2019
Emile Nakhleh
by Emile Nakhleh
As Vice President Mike Pence, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo,
National Security Advisor John Bolton, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu, and Saudi crown prince and de facto ruler Mohammad bin Salman
clamor for a war against Iran, they seem to have conveniently forgotten the destruction and mayhem wrought by the American invasion of Iraq 16 years ago.
These war drummers are underestimating the potential negative
consequences of the war and overestimating the Iranian people’s dislike
of their theocratic regime. They, like the advocates of the Iraqi
invasion in the winter of 2002 and early spring 2003, are
confusing Iranians’ dislike of the ayatollahs with their potential embrace of a foreign invader.
On the eve of the Iraq war, former President George W. Bush, Vice
President Dick Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, National
Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul
Wolfowitz, the Vice President Chief of Staff and Assistant to the
President David Addington all claimed that the Iraqi invasion aimed at
liberating the country from the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein.
Removing Saddam from power, they maintained, would eliminate the threat
of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and bring stability, security, and
democracy to Iraq.
As developments unfolded over the past 16 years, the “liberation”
claims proved to be bogus. The invasion and the decision to de-Ba’athify
Iraq and dissolve the Iraqi military created an environment conducive
to sectarianism, insurgency, and terrorism. The vacuum that followed the
regime collapse, the incompetence of the American administration in the
“Green Zone,” and the pervasive corruption of the new Iraqi governing
councils was quickly filled by pro-Iranian militias, al-Qaeda, and later
the Islamic State. The promise of stability and security was replaced
by chaos, bloodshed, and mayhem.
The massive destruction of Iraq and the horrendous human and material
cost the American “liberation” caused for the country will be child’s
play compared to
what could happen if Trump and his Israeli and Saudi allies decide to attack Iran.
Unlike Iraq—which the British cobbled together after World War One out
of the Shia, Sunnis, and Kurds under a minority Sunni rule—
Iran has been in existence for centuries with a vast territory and a huge population.
If attacked, Iran has the capability to retaliate against its
neighbors, especially Saudi Arabia. Its air and missile forces could
quickly destroy the oil and gas facilities and the water and power grids
on the Arab side of the Gulf.
A war against Iran could easily spread to the Gulf and the Levant. The entire region could go up in flames.
Hubris and Ignorance
The Bush administration was not willing or interested in answering
the “morning after” questions regarding the post-Saddam future of Iraq.
Whenever I and others urged policy makers to consider the law of
unintended consequences and what could go wrong in Iraq following the
invasion, Vice President Cheney and Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld
dismissed our concerns and arrogantly claimed that the U.S. military and
civilian administration following the invasion would be able to control
the situation in Iraq. Their hubris regarding America’s power and
ignorance of Iraqi realities on the ground led to a total breakdown of
Iraqi society following the demise of the Saddam regime.
The Trump administration seems to be equally arrogant and ignorant
about Iran. It has displayed a similar disregard for strategic thinking
about the future of Iran beyond the clerical regime. The Iranophobes
within the administration seem to be more obsessed with Iran than the
Bush administration was ever with Iraq.
Instead of relying on calm, expert-based analysis, Secretary of State
Pompeo has made a series of trips to the region that have involved
bullying, threats, and hilarious, if not tragic, mischaracterizations.
In a recent conversation with Christian broadcasters in Jerusalem,
Pompeo waxed eloquent about God’s presumed divine plan designating Trump
as a possible savior of the “Jewish people,” Sunni Islam, Maronite
Lebanon, Alawite Syria, and the rest of the world from the perceived
modern-day Persian “Hamans.”
The American foreign policy process is in serious trouble if Pompeo
truly believes that Trump could be the twenty-first-century version of
Queen Esther or Hadassah and that this religious vision could chart the
path to a grand strategy in the Middle East. When warped religious
interpretations are offered as a substitute for rationally debated
policy, whether by a radical Wahhabi Salafist, an evangelical Christian,
or an ultra-Orthodox Jew, democratic governments should fear for their
future. Invoking the divine as an inspiration or a justification for
violence against another country, much as Osama bin Laden did on the eve
of 9/11, is a rejection of rational discourse and a return to the
barbarism of previous epochs.
Pompeo’s imagined “shuttle diplomacy” in the Middle East has been
reduced to supporting Netanyahu’s upcoming election bid, threatening
Hezbollah in Lebanon, recognizing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan
Heights, and lambasting any state that does business with Iran. His
ambassador-designee to Saudi Arabia, John Abizaid, told Congress that
the threat from Iran supersedes concerns for human rights in Arab
autocracies.
Furthermore, Trump administration policy operatives, including John
Bolton and Rudy Giuliani, have treated an Iranian group called the
Mujahedin-e Khalq or MEK as a legitimate alternative to the clerical
regime in Iran. The MEK, however, is a terrorist cult that has received
funding from all sorts of dubious sources and is often used as a tool by
outside groups, states, and organizations, including intelligence
services of regional and international state actors, to further an
anti-Iran agenda.
Similarly, the Bush administration viewed Ahmed Chalabi, the Iraqi
émigré, and the organization he founded, the Iraqi National Congress, as
the legitimate alternative to the Saddam regime in Iraq. Vice President
Cheney and Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld fully bought into Chalabi’s
snake-oil sales. Chalabi was instrumental in instigating America’s
invasion of Iraq at the cost of trillions of dollars and thousands of
American and Iraqi lives. Iraq has never recovered from that ill-fated,
unnecessary war. Bolton and Giuliani are as susceptible to MEK’s claims
as Cheney and Rumsfeld were to Chalabi’s.
For the sake of whipping up regional animus toward Iran and preparing
the ground for a war against the “Persian menace,” Pompeo in effect has
told Arab autocrats that so long as they keep mouthing anti-Iran
rhetoric, Washington will ignore their despicable human rights record
and the continued repression of their people. The thousands of political
prisoners in Egyptian, Saudi, and Bahraini jails will have to wait for
another day.
Arab regimes have become masters in the art of communicating with
their American benefactors. During the Cold War, they received American
aid as long as they brandished anti-Communist slogans. After the
collapse of the Soviet Union and with the rise of terrorism, these same
strongmen were happy to adopt an anti-terrorism rhetoric in order to
continue receiving American military and economic aid. Their current
anti-Iran public posture is the latest phase in their communication with
Washington and is as equally profitable as the previous two phases.
When some regional politicians demurred about getting tough with
Iran, as happened during Pompeo’s recent visit to Lebanon, he did not
hesitate to threaten them with a panoply of economic sanctions. Vice
President Mike Pence used similar language at the recent meeting in
Warsaw to berate and even threaten America’s European allies if they
dared to take a conciliatory posture toward Iran. The European reaction
to Pence’s speech showed that his pathetic performance backfired.
Pompeo’s Warsaw meeting ended in utter failure.
Iran Nuclear Deal
Managing Iran’s malign behavior through the Iran nuclear deal or the
Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was a stroke of diplomatic
genius, which former Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of
Energy Ernest Moniz negotiated. The Obama administration placed Iran’s
objectionable behavior in two baskets—a nuclear basket, which they
addressed through the Iran deal, and a non-nuclear one, which the Obama
administration was to address once the nuclear inspection became
operational and Iran fully compliant. That approach would have worked:
most experts judged Iran to be in compliance with the conditions of the
nuclear deal. Unfortunately, President Trump decided not to recertify
the agreement.
Trump’s decision contradicted the judgment of most nuclear and
intelligence experts about Iran’s compliance. The International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA), for example, affirmed Iran’s compliance in more
than a dozen of its successive quarterly reports and as recently as
earlier this month.
In his open testimony to Congress in January, the Director of
National Intelligence Dan Coats stated that Iran continued to comply
with the deal even after Trump announced his intention to scuttle it.
Coats said, “We do not believe Iran is currently undertaking activities
we judge necessary to produce a nuclear device.” Iran was of course
cheating in other areas, according to the DNI’s testimony, but not on
the nuclear agreement.
In a statement issued April 25 of last year, over two dozen Israeli
senior military and intelligence officials judged that it was “in
Israel’s best interest that the United States maintains the nuclear
agreement with Iran.” The Israeli statement went on to say that “The
current deal is better than no deal” and that “Iran’s destructive
regional policies and actions, its support for acts of terrorism, its
presence in Syria, and its ballistic missiles program should be dealt
with outside the framework of the agreement.” This was precisely the
position of the Obama administration when it negotiated the deal in the
first place.
The Path Forward
Fifty-plus retired American generals and diplomats, in a statement
published earlier this month, urged the Trump administration to rejoin
the Iran nuclear deal and work on resolving outstanding concerns with
Iran diplomatically. They advised against a war because they saw no good
outcome. The statement did not seek to exonerate Iran’s destabilizing
behavior and its involvement in Yemen, Syria, Iraq, or Lebanon. Nor did
the retired senior leaders ignore Iran’s link to terrorism. The
statement, however, pointed out, among other things, that the 2015
nuclear deal “put limitations on Iran’s nuclear program that provided
assurances that it would not be used to develop weapons, improved
American intelligence about potential future development and
significantly improved the security of the United States and our
allies.”
Additionally, the retired generals and diplomats emphasized that Iran
is complying with the agreement and that, under the JCPOA, Iran is
barred from engaging in nuclear weapons development program, which
prevents it from producing a nuclear device. “Reentering the agreement
and lifting the sanctions will greatly enhance United States’ ability to
negotiate improvements and enable us to address concerns with the
existing agreement.”
Coming from these military and policy realists, who are dedicated to
the security of this country, Israel, and America’s allies, this advice
is grounded in sane strategic analysis, not in theological whimsy.